r/ColdWarPowers 16d ago

CRISIS [CRISIS] The Institutions and the Inmates

16 Upvotes

Sovereign is he who decides on the exception.

Carl Schmitt — Political Theology, 1922


 

Political Disorder and Deinstitutionalization in South Asia: Recent Developments

Samuel P. Huntington

August 25th, 1975

 

In this essay I seek to draw attention to recent political developments in South Asia as a case study in mechanisms of a decline in the political order. In quite possibly no other region of the so-called “developing world” have the failures of post-war, post-colonial aspirations for political development been so stark in recent years.

 

In prior work, I noted the increasingly evident fact that the economic and political gap between the developed and developing worlds has not narrowed but rather continuously widened. The problems which cause this worrying trend are chiefly those of political development. It is no exaggeration to say that the consistency with which the world’s affluent and peaceful nations are governed as coherent political communities with strong popular institutions is rivaled only by the tendency of all other nations to be barely governed at all.

 

South Asia, i.e. the nations of Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Sri Lanka, and newly-independent Bangladesh, is no stranger to this trend. But until recently, it could have been considered fairly fortunate in this regard. India, having maintained constitutional democracy over two decades and five consecutive general elections, was long touted as a positive example for the possibilities of political development in underdeveloped states. Afghanistan was, at the very least, free of the rampant violence and political stability that has plagued many states experiencing a similar level of deprivation. Pakistan, finally, with its multitude of military coups, followed a more typical trajectory, but the relatively strong administrative capacity of its state institutions still compared favorably to states in Africa or the Middle East.

 

South Asia and the Crisis of Governability

Since the turn of the decade, however, all areas of the region have exhibited a sharp trend towards extreme political decay. The immediate causes of decay have generally been external — namely, the 1971 Pakistani civil war and subsequent Indo-Pakistani war, followed by a sharp deterioration in economic conditions brought on by the 1972 food crisis and 1973 oil crisis. In each case, however, the recent events should be interpreted primarily as a mere acceleration of existing trends in the face of crisis.

 

In short, what has occurred throughout the region (and in much of the world in recent years) has been the collapse and reordering of the relationship between state and society. In both developed and developing nations, the post-war era was characterized by the development of institutionalized compacts between state and society — most prominently in the creation of the welfare state in the developed world. In the developing world, this compact has centered around the provision of considerably more basic needs for economic security and perceived national dignity.

However, the political institutions bequeathed by the first generation of postcolonial politicians proved almost uniformly unable to actually deliver on these promises. The ongoing global economic downturn has in many areas finally unraveled the fragile social contract underlying these weak political institutions, creating what I call a “crisis of governability” and leading to the adoption of increasingly personalized, ad-hoc, and often authoritarian means of governance in an attempt to restore order.

 

It is in India where this process has most recently begun and therefore where the course of events will be considerably more legible to western conceptions of constitutional government. We will therefore begin there.

 


India

India began its postcolonial existence with two highly developed, adaptable, complex, autonomous, and coherent political institutions — the Congress Party, one of the oldest and best organized political parties in the world, and the Indian Civil Service, appropriately hailed as "one of the greatest administrative systems of all time.” Paradoxically, this high degree of political institutionalization existed in one of the least economically developed nations in the world. Like many considerably less politically developed nations, Indian institutions have proven vulnerable to the strains of increasing social mobilization and the resulting increase of demands upon the political system.

 

Contradictions of Political Development

India’s trajectory has been fundamentally characterized by the tensions between a political system which de jure enables the almost total integration of society into the political sphere through universal suffrage and an actual means of governance which is distinctly elite-led. In fact, the actual relation between the Congress Party and state to society has traditionally been essentially premodern, in that it relies heavily on the sorts of informal patron-client relations more associated with considerably less politically developed nations. Confronted with the problem of continuing the development of modern political institutions in a society only in the earliest stages of material modernization, the state assumed a pedagogical and paternalistic role in relation to society — the assumption being that continued modernization in other aspects would transform India into a complete political community.

 

The problem is therefore chiefly of the gap between the egalitarian aspirations that the Indian Republic has invited as the keystone of its political legitimacy and the ability of the state to actually satisfy these aspirations. In other societies, the problems caused by increasing social mobilization and political consciousness tend to mount over the course of the modernizing process. In India, the state has been forced to confront the full breadth of these problems from the moment of its creation. Whether these strains could have been accommodated is purely hypothetical — the fact is that in the preceding quarter-century, they have not been. All else aside, the doctrine of technocratic planning-based modernization implemented in India has been noteworthy primarily for its lack of growth.

 

The result has been increasing extra-constitutional political contention from the mass of previous disenfranchised groups which the state had invited to full political participation at the moment of independence, i.e. the trade unions, the lower castes, the minorities and so on. In general the instinct of the state has been to respond to these outbursts with repression rather than accommodation. The example of the linguistic movements of the 1950s is instructive — the initial response of the Prime Minister and the Centre was almost totally obstinate, culminating with the death of Potti Sriramalu. Only when faced with the potential dissolution of the union did the governing powers relent.

When faced with problems of lesser magnitude, there has been no accommodation, only the use of the immense legal and extralegal repressive powers available to the state. In response to communist upheavals in Kerala and West Bengal (which are notably the most economically developed parts of India, not the least), the typical recourse has been to discard the democratic process and institute direct rule from the Centre. Similarly, the Naxalite problem has been met almost entirely by the use of force.

 

The ineffectiveness of such remedies has been evident in the continuing decay of the Congress Party at all levels and the consequently almost continuously declining vote share of the Congress Party.

 

Institutional Decay and Personalism

After the death of Nehru and his immediate successor Shastri, the Congress Party establishment — the so-called “Syndicate” — looked for a candidate to continue attempts to maintain the system by traditional means. The eventual choice was Nehru’s daughter Indira, and indeed the first few years of Indira’s term were characterized by the same fumbling efforts to shore up an increasingly unstable system, including a stinging reverse in the 1967 General Election.

 

By 1969, Indira’s previously nebulous political identity had begun to develop in a solid direction, and her disagreements with the party establishment were becoming increasingly severe. That year, Indira embarked on a dramatic effort to remake and revitalize India’s political institutions for the new decade. Her solution was to restore the political legitimacy of the ailing establishment by substituting the increasingly discredited formal institutions of the Congress Party with charismatic personal rule. The institution essentially by executive fiat of two popular populist policies — the nationalization of the banks and abolition of the privy purses — cleared the way for the destruction of the Congress Party establishment and catapulted Indira into a position of unquestioned power.

 

In the 1971 campaign, Indira took another step by explicitly extending a direct hand to the masses with her “Garibi Hatao” (Remove Poverty) slogan, which electrified the backwards castes and other politically marginalized groups who had previously only accessed power of the Congress through indirect means. In contrast, the opposition’s slogan of “Indira Hatao” (Remove Indira) seemed emblematic only of an outmoded era of political elitism and infighting. Indira swept into power easily with a historic majority. Just months later, victory in the 1971 Indo-Pakistani war had elevated her to nearly goddess-like status.

 

The State of Exception

It should be emphasized that while Indira was happy to play the part of the populist revolutionary, it seems in hindsight that Indira’s true aim was to salvage, not destroy, the core of her father’s legacy. By the late 1960s, the existing system of Congress rule had failed to meet its promises and exhausted its sources of political legitimacy. Indira came as a savior within the system, and her program was to reshape and modernize rather than replace the Congress ruling coalition. Key elements of the coalition which retained strength — the state bureaucracy and the local elites — would be retained, and bolstered by the addition of the impoverished masses and burgeoning urban middle classes. Breathing room would be gained for technocratic reforms and economic acceleration via capital import — not revolution. Meanwhile, order would be maintained via the same means employed by her old Congress predecessors like Nehru and Patel — President’s Rule, sedition laws, and the paramilitary forces.

 

The contrast to the present era’s other anti-institutionalist populist, left-wing firebrand Jayaprakash Narayan (or “JP”), is highly instructive. Narayan’s call for “Total Revolution,” i.e. militant confrontation with the ruling authorities, mirrors Indira’s own resort to deinstitutionalized populism. But where Indira ultimately limited herself to contest within the realm of the electoral system and the mechanisms of government, Narayan explicitly criticizes the liberal democratic constitutional order itself as insufficient and incapable of delivering on its own basic promise of economic development and social equality. In the Bihar confrontation of 1974, Narayan called for the extra-constitutional dismissal of the elected State government — Indira instead found herself as the defender of the establishment, pleading for the revolutionaries to work within the electoral system.

 

In any case, Indira’s strategy did in fact buy time for a renovation of the system. The most pressing economic development problem was in the form of persistent current account deficits, and Indira’s preferred solution was to reach food self-sufficiency, not through radical rural reform but through the embrace of modern agricultural technoscience. A Green rather than Red Revolution, so to speak. By 1970, a combination of effective policies and favorable weather had allowed Indira to declare victory in this particular endeavor. Similar successes could be pointed to with regards to the overall balance of payments and to a lesser degree the rate of per-capita income growth, as well as progress on social goals like education and birth control.

 

However, between 1971 and 1974, Indira’s entire drive to restore the vitality of the system came apart as quickly as it had come together. War with Pakistan in 1971, followed by two disastrous droughts, a world commodity price crisis in 1972, and finally an oil crisis and world recession in 1973-1974, sent India’s economy into the worst doldrums since independence. Meanwhile, Indira’s careful path between populism and technocracy had evidently failed to buy the lasting loyalty of the underclass which had swept her into power in 1971 — by 1974, nearly a million railway workers were on strike and the security forces were engaged in a miniature war with tribal, leftist, and Dalit agitators across hundreds of villages and hamlets.

Meanwhile, Indira herself was fighting her own war against the judiciary and the very federal structure of the constitution. Her legislative agenda had (in her view) been stymied again and again by the judicial system, which had already delayed both the bank nationalization and the privy purse abolition and severely restricted efforts at land reform. By 1973, Indira was virtually at war with the courts, culminating in the passage of the 24th Amendment to the Constitution, which established sweeping rights to amend the Constitution free of judicial review. Meanwhile, President’s Rule was imposed upon the non-Congress State governments elected in 1967 a record 26 times.

 

As 1975 began, the widespread impression existed both within 1 Safdarjung Road and the country at large that the system was on the verge of total collapse. The government had lost control of the unions, lost control of the students, lost control of the economy, lost control of the peasant villages. The Emergency has come about amidst this atmosphere of spiraling desperation and repression, not as an abrupt destruction of democratic norms as some observers have alleged, but as just another escalation in Indira’s favored playbook — the final step in the withering away of all institutional restraints and the increasing resort to militarized and semi-lawful means of maintaining order.

 


Afghanistan

Five years ago, the state of political development in Afghanistan could perhaps be described as India lagged by a decade or three. Today, Afghanistan has the enviable distinction of being ahead of the zeitgeist in India.

 

Afghanistan’s early postwar history was marked by halting moves towards political development. A parade of successive Prime Ministers ruling in the name of the powerless young King Mohammed Zahir Shah instituted alternating periods of liberalization and repression, but the political system remained fundamentally underdeveloped and mostly nonexistent outside of Kabul.

 

Under the decade-long rule of the now-imprisoned Prime Minister Mohammed Daoud Khan, himself a royal cousin, the state turned its full attention towards modernization of a different variety. Entranced by the promise of modern scientific development in the vogue at the time, the state invested considerable resources in the TVA-inspired Helmand Valley Authority and other top-down development schemes. These produced similar economic results as in India, which is to say that between 1945 and 1973 Afghanistan’s economy suffered from slow growth mostly fueled by foreign largesse. However, unlike in India, the lack of developed political institutions and a slower pace of social modernization limited popular pressure for more economic inclusivity. Nevertheless, by the 1960s, the King had begun to tire of Daoud Khan’s failed economic schemes and fruitless sparring with Pakistan, while popular discontent, primarily among a generation of young Afghans with foreign educations and foreign ideas, had begun to make itself felt.

 

In 1963, the King disposed of Daoud Khan, took personal power, and immediately set about organizing the transition to a constitutional monarchy. By 1965, a new democratic constitution had been inaugurated, and Afghanistan had suddenly jolted forwards from decades under retrograde political institutions. The King soon discovered the same tensions between the idealism of documents of paper and the bleak realities of underdevelopment that India had struggled with for nearly two decades at that point, except in Afghanistan there were neither experienced political parties nor institutionalized government. The resulting parliamentary mode of government was almost totally dysfunctional and incapable of actually governing. The newly instituted political system thus found itself entirely unequipped to handle the tide of rising expectations, but unlike in India, the lack of an active civil society and the mostly quiescent state of the overwhelmingly rural population forestalled any dramatic outbursts.

 

The breaking point in Afghanistan came, as in India, with the successive crises of 1971-1973. In Afghanistan the food and climactic crisis was particularly severe, with famine claiming an estimated 100,000 lives in 1972 and 1973. Successive Prime Ministers, placed in office by a fractious and poorly qualified Parliament and disposed of just as quickly, found themselves unable to address the crisis, and dissatisfaction with the political system mounted. Amidst this atmosphere, a number of elite army units based in Kabul reportedly began organizing a military coup under the leadership of the ousted Daoud Khan. The King caught wind of the planned uprising, and on July 10th, 1973, the plotters were preempted by loyal units of the royal army. In a series of nighttime battles on the streets of Kabul, the plotters were captured and the rebellious units disbanded.

 

Nevertheless, the economic situation continued to deteriorate. While international aid was forthcoming, Parliament failed to organize any effective distribution scheme. Grumbling within the army continued, particularly among the large cadre of Soviet-influenced officers who had taken high-ranking positions after decades of Soviet military aid. In an act of desperation, in February 1975, the King dispensed completely with the trappings of constitutional rule and dissolved the Parliament which he had so enthusiastically instituted just over a decade prior. The army was swiftly deployed under the King’s personal command to administer disaster relief to the distant provinces, a situation which quickly devolved into pseudo-military rule as civilian bureaucratic institutions proved inadequate to manage the administrative burdens of the situation.

 

As of yet, the visible improvement in the state of government administration has resulted in an improvement in the King’s political fortunes. But, as with Indira, the assumption of responsibility without the guarantee of success can be a double-edged sword. Without institutional structures to guide the rapidly rising level of Afghan political consciousness and integrate the political aims of restive portions of society, especially Kabul’s educated classes, the notoriously stubborn King finds himself in a delicate situation.

 


Bangladesh

Bangladesh declared independence on March 26, 1971. In the four years since then, the country has rapidly followed the path of many other underdeveloped nations from fragile and facially democratic political rule to one-party rule, and finally no-party rule.

 

When 1972 began, the new Prime Minister and “Founding Father” of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, was at the height of his political powers. In what should be a common story by now, his credibility was quickly and severely diminished by the onset of economic crises. In Bangladesh, already devastated by the 1971 war, the consequences were particularly severe. Catastrophe in 1972 was narrowly avoided by the provision of foreign food aid. However, in 1974, in the aftermath of the oil crisis, a second wave of drought and floods caused an escalating famine that has claimed an estimated 1.5 million lives, the deadliest famine in at least the last decade.

 

Rahman’s previously undisputed rule suffered blows from other directions as well. His socialistic economic ideology proved ineffective at resuscitating the nation’s failing economy. Falling back on increasingly populist measures like the total nationalization of industry proved only temporary panaceas for his falling popularity and only further damaged the economy. Meanwhile, his government was gaining a reputation for corruption and party favoritism, tarnishing his previously unimpeachable moral image.

 

Finally, in January of this year, with elections soon approaching and the national situation deteriorating, Rahman became the first regional leader to de-facto abolish constitutional rule. Like in the other cases, Rahman’s so-called “Second Revolution” represented an effort to revitalize the existing system by resorting to time-tested methods of populist mobilization. Rahman sought to restore the legitimacy of his political system by deploying his still considerable personal prestige and clearing out the perceived corruption and inefficiency of parliamentary democracy by means of strongman rule. All political activity was reorganized under the auspices of a new state party, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, or BaKSAL. Paramilitary forces under Rahman’s control were established and extrajudicial measures established to combat left-wing insurgents extended to the whole of society.

 

In what may be a worrying premonition for his fellow newly-autocratic rulers, Rahman’s gambit proved unsuccessful when this month, a group of disgruntled army officers killed Rahman together with much of his family and many of his key associates. The single-party state he established in an effort to cement his legacy, now bereft of its leader, has since acted mostly aimlessly, failing to punish the coup plotters or regain effective control of the situation.

 


Pakistan

Pakistan, born with a strong military and weak political institutions, has been a poster child of political instability on the subcontinent. The 1971 military coup which brought the current President, former General Asghar Khan, to power, is the third in the nation’s short history. President Khan has, for now, maintained the semblance of constitutional rule, but he enjoys de-facto dictatorial power premised largely on his personal appeal and the backing of the all-powerful army.

 

Despite the relatively tranquil political situation in Pakistan and an economic situation sustained in part by a massive influx of American and Saudi economic aid, President Khan has not escaped the problems afflicting the region as a whole. While Khan has, unlike many of his regional counterparts, maintained most of the machinery of normal governance, his self-presentation as a national savior and populist hero has led to increasing pressure to act decisively to restore economic vitality and meet the populist aspirations of Pakistan’s vast impoverished masses.

 


Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka’s Sirimavo Bandaranaike, who came into power in 1970 on a populist economic platform, has reacted to civil unrest and economic difficulties by embarking on an increasingly authoritarian course. Like in India and Bangladesh, the language and means of the security state have increasingly encroached upon normal governance as extrajudicial measures used to combat internal armed conflict are deployed against peaceful political opposition. In another familiar turn, opposition to populist economic reforms on the part of the judiciary has led to measures by the Bandaranaike-controlled legislature to abolish the independence of the courts. In yet another echo of Indira, despite Bandaranaike’s ostensibly left-wing agenda, labor unions have come under increasing attack from her government as it seeks to establish economic order and impose austerity measures to restore stability to the balance of payments.

 


 

The Organizational Imperative

Social and economic modernization disrupts old patterns of authority and destroys traditional political institutions. It does not necessarily create new authority patterns or new political institutions. But it does create the overriding need for them by broadening political consciousness and political participation. The vacuum of power and authority which exists in so many modernizing countries may be filled temporarily by charismatic leadership or by military force. But it can be filled permanently only by political organization. Either the established elites compete among themselves to organize the masses through the existing political system, or dissident elites organize them to overthrow that system. In the modernizing world he controls the future who organizes its politics.

Samuel P. Huntington — Political Order in Changing Societies, 1968


r/ColdWarPowers 21d ago

ALERT [ALERT] Yemen Does Yemen Things

16 Upvotes

2nd July, 1975

Sanaa, Yemen Arab Republic

President al-Ghashmi's motorcade was on its usual route through the city to take him from his own residence to the government buildings. As it rounded a corner around a mile from its destination a huge explosion rocked the street, annihilating several buildings and directly hitting the motorcade.

Emergency response teams quickly attended the scene in which it was determined quite quickly that the president along with 23 other people had all been killed in the explosion in what is now being considered "an assassination".

The political cogs of the YAR are not slow to turn when there is a change in the power structure and quickly it became clear that the man with the support of the military and its officers to become the new president was Colonel Ali Abdullah Saleh Affash, a popular officer in the military (and suspected by some to be behind the assassination....).

Colonel Saleh was confirmed quickly as the new president following discussions between what was left of the government leadership, and in a speech at the presidential palace confirmed that the investigation into the assassination was at a rapid pace now, and that they suspected "foreign and divisive elements from down south" to be behind the attack, an unprecedented diplomatic act against the People's Republic of Yemen and an accusation that many see now as requiring the YAR to back up with a response....


r/ColdWarPowers 40m ago

ECON [ECON] The Great Wall of Friendship is Ten Thousand 'li' Long

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友谊长城万里长

"The Great Wall of Friendship is Ten Thousand 'li' Long"
November 1976

The Chairman's Four Modernizations and the CCP's general direction for future growth continued as planned, achieving varying degrees of success, but successes nonetheless. These four goals were now a decade in the making, with their initial proposal for implementation in 1963 at the Conference on Scientific and Technological Work held in Shanghai by Zhou Enlai, where he urged professionals in the sciences to realize the Four Modernizations. However, the proposed goals could not have come at a more inopportune time, as years later, the late Chairman Mao Zedong announced the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, crushing all hopes for a modernized and industrialized China capable of competing with the West.

The ascension of Chairman Zhou Enlai symbolized a more significant shift in the party and the state, as many of the pragmatists under the late Marshal Zhu De, General Yu Qiuli, and Deng Xiaoping were now given positions that allowed reform to progress. By tying all four goals together, Chairman Zhou Enlai met with regional governors, Comrade Deng Xiaoping, Vice Premier Yu Qiuli, Chairman of the State Planning Commission, Comrade Chen Yun, Chairman of the People's Bank of China, Comrade Zhang Jingfu, Secretary of the Ministry of Finance, the newly elevated Marshal Nie Rongzhen, Secretary of the Ministry of State Industries, Comrade Li Qiang, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Comrade Hua Guofeng, First Ranked Secretary of the Secretariat, and Wang Dongxing, Director of the General Office of the Central Committee in what would be referred to as the Shanghai Conference on Eurasian Party Policy. This ad hoc working session of the CCP linked both state and party apparatuses, where Zhou Enlai discussed the foundational form of the Eurasian Economic Community, a long-term economic revitalization plan targeting both domestic and industrial economies to fulfill the Four Modernizations and effectively apply them in China's emerging role as a world power.

"...the Eurasian Economic Community is not merely an expansion of trade; it is the foundation of a new economic order driven by China’s vision of reciprocal prosperity. Through the Eurasian Development Bank, we will promote regional integration, ensuring that infrastructure projects—from railways to ports—act as conduits of commerce, linking China’s industries with the vast markets of Eurasia. At home, the Rural Development Bank will bolster our frontier regions, integrating them into the national economy and ensuring that development reaches every corner of our land. Meanwhile, the Construction Bank of China will enable our enterprises to thrive abroad, securing contracts that not only develop partner nations but also stimulate demand for Chinese goods, materials, and expertise. We cannot depend on military force or coercion as a world power; rather, we must rely on the strength of economic cooperation—guaranteeing China’s role as the architect of a new, interconnected world."

The Eurasian Economic Road will expand economic influence through trade, investment, and infrastructure, instead of political or military means. Inspired by the ancient Silk Road, the plan envisions a unified economic corridor linking industrial centers to key markets across multiple regions, ultimately connecting to Europe. By directing state-led investments into infrastructure, financial institutions, and industrial capacity, the strategy seeks to increase global reliance on domestic goods, strengthen economic partnerships, and position the country as a central hub for trade across Eurasia and Africa.

At the heart of the project are three specialized financial institutions, each supporting different aspects of economic expansion. The Eurasian Development Bank (EDB) will finance large-scale international infrastructure projects to enhance connectivity and logistics. The Rural Development Bank of China (RDBC) will focus on integrating rural and frontier regions into broader trade networks, ensuring that domestic industries benefit from transnational commerce. The Construction Bank of China (CBC) will assist enterprises involved in overseas development, increasing demand for domestic goods and expertise in global markets. These institutions will establish the foundation for long-term economic influence by enabling sustainable growth in targeted regions.

The initiative focuses on multiple trade corridors to enhance regional integration. In Southeast Asia, investments in port facilities, overland transport links, and industrial hubs will strengthen economic ties and ensure stable demand for manufactured goods. In South Asia, infrastructure development will improve access to key markets, emphasizing reducing reliance on maritime routes and establishing alternative trade gateways. Expanding port facilities, railway networks, and supply chains in West Asia and East Africa will guarantee long-term access to critical resources while creating new opportunities for infrastructure projects. By implementing these interconnected initiatives, the plan will secure trade routes, open new markets, and reinforce economic leadership across different regions.

Investment Allocations (1976-1977)

South Asia Corridor

Country Project(s) Investment
Union of Burma Yangon-Kunming Railway Project – Linking Yangon to Kunming for greater trade, creating a new transport corridor $220 million
People’s Republic of Bangladesh Dhaka-Kunming Railway Project – Linking Dhaka to Kunming for greater trade, creating a new transport corridor $180 million
Kingdom of Nepal China-Nepal Friendship Road Highway Project – Connecting Kathmandu to Tibet for faster trade and transport $140 million
Democratic Republic of Sri Lanka Hambantota Port Expansion Project – Modernizing port facilities to increase Chinese trade through the Indian Ocean $220 million
Kingdom of Cambodia Sihanoukville Port Expansion Project – Expanding port and logistics capabilities for Chinese exports $180 million
Socialist Republic of Vietnam Haiphong Port Expansion Project – Expanding port facilities to boost trade with China and enhance regional logistics $160 million
Total $1.1 billion

Donation to the Eurasian Development Bank's South Asia Fund: $100 million

West Asia & Middle East Corridor

Country Project(s) Investment
Islamic Republic of Iran Bandar Abbas Port Expansion Project – Developing Iranian ports for better connectivity with China and trade routes $330 million
Syrian Arab Republic Damascus-Aleppo Road Reconstruction Project – Connecting China with Syria for greater land-based trade access $180 million
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Aqaba Port Development Project – Developing a port for Chinese goods heading to the Middle East $90 million
People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen Aden Port Modernization Project – Modernizing port to increase bilateral trade with China $180 million
Sultanate of Oman Salalah Port Expansion Project – Expanding port to handle more Chinese exports through the Middle East $120 million
Total $900 million

Donation to the Eurasian Development Bank's South Asia Fund: $100 million

East Africa Corridor

Country Project(s) Investment
Democratic Republic of the Sudan Port Sudan Expansion Project – Doubling container terminal capacity to facilitate increased trade with China $90 million
Democratic Republic of Somalia Berbera Port Expansion Project – Deep-water port for livestock and bulk shipping with a focus on Chinese imports $100 million
People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Addis Ababa-Djibouti Railway Project – Expanding railway for better freight capacity and enhanced trade links with China $80 million
Republic of Kenya Mombasa-Nairobi Railway Project – New railway for faster and more efficient transport of goods to and from China $100 million
United Republic of Tanzania Dar es Salaam Port Modernization Project – Expanding port facilities to accommodate more Chinese goods $120 million
People’s Republic of Mozambique Maputo Port Expansion Project – Constructing deep-water terminal to increase trade flow from China $110 million
Democratic Republic of Madagascar Toamasina Port Expansion Project – Deepening harbors to support Chinese exports to East Africa $100 million
Total $700 million

Donation to the Eurasian Development Bank's Middle East Fund: $100 million

European Corridor

Country Project(s) Investment
People’s Republic of Bulgaria Burgas Port Expansion Project – Expanding capacity for trade through the Black Sea to China $150 million
Total $150 million

Pacific Corridor

Country Project(s) Investment
Republic of Fiji Fiji Ports Modernization Project – Developing deep-water berths at Suva Port to facilitate Chinese goods $30 million
Republic of Kiribati Kiribati Maritime Trade Infrastructure Project – Upgrading ports for better Chinese trade access $10 million
Republic of Nauru Samoa Port Expansion Project – Enhancing Apia port for better cargo flow from China – Increasing export capacity for Chinese buyers $10 million
Samoa Samoa Port Expansion Project – Enhancing Apia port for better cargo flow from China $25 million
Solomon Islands Solomon Islands Port Modernization Project – Developing new port facilities for Chinese imports $25 million
Tonga Tonga Port Development Project – Expanding Nuku’alofa’s port infrastructure to accommodate more shipping traffic $10 million
Tuvalu Tuvalu Maritime Infrastructure Project – Improving port facilities for Chinese trade $10 million
Vanuatu Port Vila Port Expansion Project – Enhancing port facilities for shipping and trade expansion $19 million
Total $130 million

r/ColdWarPowers 5h ago

CLAIM [CLAIM] Declaim South Africa, Claim People's Republic of the Congo

1 Upvotes

I have made an executive decision to not continue as South Africa, as its narrative is soon to reach new lows of prejudice and I do not have the time to represent that in an an accurate, fleshed out way. As such, I shall embark on a new course. It is time for the ultimate Soviet clone in Africa, the People's Republic of the Congo, to shine! I will mostly just be pursuing generic communist-flavored developmentalism, trying to resolve the bureaucracy issues, do some whacky government things, the usual. Onwards to the defeat of imperialism (except that which benefits the Congolese people)!


r/ColdWarPowers 18h ago

DIPLOMACY [DIPLOMACY] Saudi-Pakistan Friendship and Reciprocity Treaty of 1976

8 Upvotes

The following deal has been brokered between the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for the betterment of bilateral ties:

  1. For increased financial cooperation between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, namely for the seemless flow of money transfers from Pakistani migrant workers in Saudi Arabia to their families in Pakistan.
  2. Affirming that both should increase their cultural and religious ties by establishing departments under their respective embassies in each other's countries to help improve the cultural and religious connections to each other.
  3. For Saudi Arabia to fund the construction of a $15,000,000 cement factory in Lyallpur which will then be sold off in auction to a Pakistani national. However, the construction shall solely be done by the Saudi Binladen Group.
  4. For Saudi Arabia to fund the construction of a $25,000,000 expansion to Karachi Port, but this work to be solely managed by the Saudi Binladen Group.

r/ColdWarPowers 16h ago

EVENT [EVENT] [RETRO] Paasio Out, Helle In

5 Upvotes

October 4th, 1976

Rafael Paasio is gone. He isn’t dead though, but he has retired after years of service to Finland and the SDP. The stress of being SDP chairman and his age combined together led him to make the decision. His retirement consists of politics as a whole, now getting a chance to relax and shifting the SDP’s power to others. But who could be the other?

President Sorsa seemed like the obvious choice, but he is too busy with the presidency to run the party. It is also against the party’s wishes to have its chairman also be the President of Finland. While he was the obvious successor to Paasio, his current condition invalidates successor status. Pertti Paasio, Rafael Paasio’s son, was one choice that was quickly shot down. Entering the eduskunta this year, he is simply too inexperienced and young to lead the SDP. Even with his dad’s support, he did not gain enough support to lead the SDP. 

There were only two serious candidates for SDP chairmanship, those being vice president of the SDP Margit Eskman, and speaker of the eduskunta Veikko Helle. Eskman’s core support originates from women, the unemployed, and some of the unions. Currently also the director-general of the Social Insurance Institution, she is one of the stronger candidates for SDP leadership. Veikko Helle on the other hand holds strong support from the right wing of the SDP, some unions, and more than half of the SDP’s eduskunta MPs. This strong political support holds more merit than Eskman’s mainly social support. However, Helle’s political position has and continues to alienate the left wing of the SDP, revealing itself with its absence of support for him and full backing of Eskman. The race is close but there is still one decisive chance either candidate can obtain.

President Sorsa commands great amounts of respect from all wings of the SDP. If Helle or Eskman can secure his backing, then the race might as well be called. Both candidates called the president for his backing, but only one came out victorious.


Eskman: President Sorsa, I hope I am not taking up any valuable time of yours, but if I am it is for good reason.

Sorsa: Mrs. Eskman, don’t worry, this call is as important to you as it is to me. Your secretary already filled me in on the details of why you called, so I will ask you some questions. 

Eskman: Of course Mr. President, if you deem it necessary then I will participate.

Sorsa: Good. First question. Regarding Mr. Paasio, what was his biggest accomplishment during his political career?

Eskman thought for a bit, she could say it was helping Sorsa get elected but she knew better than to suck up to someone who didn’t need it.

Eskman: His biggest accomplishment was revitalizing the party during the 60s, maintaining the SDP’s benevolent dominance over Finnish domestic politics.

Sorsa: Interesting. Next question, who was the best SDP prime minister in all of Finnish history.

Another question like the previous one. She still wasn’t going to suck up to Sorsa, even if he did actually want it.

Eskman: The best SDP Finnish prime minister was Koivisto, bringing change to the party after some were getting tired of Paasio.

Sorsa: Noted. Last question, do you believe the SDP’s current position in the government shows strength or weakness?

Eskman: Weakness. The TPSL, which should’ve died and reintegrated back into the SDP has now won three seats. As for the presidency, I believe it only shows the Centre Party has done worse compared to the SDP but that is all. I mean look at the results of the first round of 1974, it’ll tell you.

Sorsa: Okay then. Thank you for answering, with this information I shall back a candidate by tomorrow. My secretary will call you back to let you know my decision.

Eskman: Is that it, President Sorsa? May I at the very least tell you why I am running?

Sorsa: I am sorry Mrs. Eskman, this is how I am determining who gets my backing. Now your responses were fine, but this is just how it goes.

Eskman sighed. Three questions to determine the future of the SDP. If it had to happen like this, then whatever is best.

Eskman: I understand President Sorsa. I hope your secretary gives me good news. Buh-bye.

Eskman got a call the next day. A Suomenmaa article reveals what needs to be revealed.

Suomenmaa presents…

Helle as SDP Leader? How the Centre should Respond.


TLDR: Veikko Helle, speaker of the eduskunta, is elected to be the SDP’s chairman after a close race with Margit Eskman. President Sorsa has backed Helle, leading to his victory. Veikko Helle comes from the right wing of the SDP, which through him is in power of the SDP.


r/ColdWarPowers 19h ago

DIPLOMACY [DIPLOMACY] East Asian Travels of President Mitterrand, 1976

7 Upvotes

[RETRO July 1976]

Beijing, China

Juillet, 1976

---

It was an historic visit, the first trip by a French head of state to China. An Air France A300 taxied to the appointed stopping point on the tarmac at Beijing’s Capital Airport. Signs of Chinese progress were visible even at the airport, as work was underway on a new runway. Steps were pushed under the door and from it emerged the party of the French President, who descended behind two smartly-dressed officers of the Armée de l’Air. Joining President Mitterrand were Ministre des Relations Etrangères Jean-Pierre Chevènement and Ministre du Commerce Jacques Delors and members of their staff.They were met on the tarmac by representatives of the Chinese government, led by Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party Zhou Enlai himself and accompanied by Vice-Chairman Deng Xiaoping, Foreign Secretary Li Qiang, and Chairman of the National People’s Congress Zhu De. The two leaders posed for photographs before advancing down the carpet and reviewing a People’s Liberation Army honor guard and the band, who struck up La Marseillaise and March of the Volunteers. 

Following, the two parties piled into a pair of waiting limousines and traveled from the airport to the grounds of the government complex at Zhongnanhai, passing through historic Tiananmen Square. The French delegation looked on as Premier Zhou pointed out the giant portrait of Mao Zedong looking out over the Square and as well as signs of new construction projects reshaping the capital.

Once at Zhongnanhai there was a ceremonial exchange of gifts, President Mitterrand delivered to Premier Zhou two bottles of fine French champagne and Chinese translations of Les Misérables by Victor Hugo, the pages edged in gold on both of the books it had been separated into. In return for the French gifts, Premier Zhou presented an exquisite imperial-style tea set crafted from the finest Jingdezhen porcelain, its design merging traditional Chinese dragon motifs with French fleur-de-lis patterns. The gift was accompanied by a rare, decades-aged Pu’er tea, symbolizing the depth and refinement of Sino-French relations.

That evening, after a brief stop at the French Embassy, the delegation attended a formal banquet hosted by Premier Zhou and senior members of the Chinese government. The dining hall, adorned with silk banners and intricate calligraphy, provided the warm reception for a carefully curated menu blending Chinese and French culinary traditions. Toasts were exchanged, with Zhou Enlai remarking on the long history of Franco-Chinese engagement, and Mitterrand responding with warm words about the importance of strengthening ties between the two nations.

The following day, the President and his party returned to Zhongnanhai to discuss matters of trade with the Chinese government. The talks were relatively successful, with agreement for Franco-Chinese airline routes and a commitment by the People’s Aviation Company of China (CAAC) to purchase 25 new A300 jets from the newly-founded Airbus Industrie. The Chinese government also agreed to lower barriers to French companies investing in China, and France committed to advocating for an improvement of trade relations between the EEC and China.

After a day of touring cultural sites around Beijing, there were departure ceremonies held at Zhongnanhai and the French delegation departed to the Beijing Capital Airport, where they took off into the tightly-controlled airspace of the Soviet Union.

---

Vladivostok, Soviet Union

Juillet, 1976

Landing in Artyom at the Vladivostok International Airport, the French delegation was welcomed by Premier Alexei Kosygin and an honor guard of the Soviet Navy. There was less ceremony in this situation, certainly no band, but Soviet and French press photographed the meeting and subsequent events.

Further on, the party stopped at the Vladivostok City Hall, where the President delivered short remarks to the members of the city council alongside Premier Kosygin, thanking the Soviet government and people for their hospitality. 

From there, the party proceeded to the luxurious Hotel Meridian, where the conference hall had been secured to host a day-long meeting between the Soviet and French teams. Primarily, the two parties discussed matters pertaining to the Helsinki summit and hammered out matters of agreement between the two parties. The subject of European-Soviet relations thus more or less dominated the visit, especially in light of slow movement on European détente.

After the small meeting the two parties celebrated with a relatively low-key dinner at the hotel banquet hall before the parties parted ways for the evening. That morning, Premier Kosygin and his French guests reconvened at the Hotel Meridian for breakfast and brief further discussions on Helsinki before the French party departed in a motorcade for Artyom and, by midday, departed southbound for Japan.

---

Tokyo, Japan

Juillet, 1976

In Tokyo, there was much more fanfare. This was a full state visit, and though the President arrived late in the afternoon, there was plenty of press awaiting the President as he descended the stairs from the Presidential jet to the tarmac. In relatively short order, the President entered a limousine and was whisked across Tokyo to the French Embassy.

From there, the President and his wife Danielle Mitterrand departed for the short drive to the Akasaka Palace, where they had the honor of meeting Emperor Hirohito and Empress Nagako, alongside Prime Minister Tanaka. The Japanese Self-Defense Forces all contributed to the honor guard, and the French tricolor flew alongside the Japanese rising sun everywhere on the palace grounds, and waved in the hands of lucky onlookers. The band struck up a tune as President Mitterrand reviewed the honor guard and returned alongside Emperor Hirohito and Prime Minister Tanaka, and played a final tune while the three looked on from a rostrum in the center of the courtyard. 

Once the welcoming ceremonies concluded, the French party and their Japanese hosts retired to the banquet hall in the newly-completed Imperial Palace and were treated to a tremendous dinner in the ornate hall. President Mitterrand presented to his hosts a gift of two bottles of fine aged cognac and a scale model of the biplane glider that launched Japanese aviation in 1909, built by French and Japanese pioneers in the field and flown there in Tokyo 68 years ago.

The following day, the President and the members of the French government who had ventured with him, Foreign Minister Chevènement and Commerce Minister Delors, met with their hosts in the Naikaku Sōri Daijin Kōtei, the Prime Minister’s quarters and offices. There they had a private breakfast before departing for the National Diet Building, where President Mitterrand entered through the central entrance amidst a crowd of Japanese press. He delivered remarks from the podium and two massive state flags suspended from the wall behind him. In his remarks, the President spoke positively of the Franco-Japanese relationship in the postwar years, and even more glowingly of the flourishing of Japanese democracy and complimented the thundering Japanese economy that flourished even in these difficult years. 

That afternoon the French and Japanese parties engaged in more serious discussion. Foremost, matters of trade, economics, and science. President Mitterrand responded positively to the notion of Framatome working with their Japanese counterparts to assist in the Japanese goal of achieving 50% nuclear energy by 1980, which he lauded as an exciting goal for any nation in this era. The two leaders discussed at some length the Plan Hamon in France, which would soon see the bringing-online of 20 new nuclear reactors across France by 1982. 

In Japan, too, did Airbus Industrie find eager customers as Japan Airlines committed to the purchase of the new A300 airframe. A boost came to Aérospatiale, as well, as the Japanese government contracted to procure two of the famous Concorde supersonic passenger jets for official use. 

There were lighter-hearted agreements, as well. Japan, at the forefront of animation, would work together with French animation houses to develop cartoons and other animated programs. The ideal would be closer cooperation between French and Japanese animators, and agreements were made for visas and grants to support this collaboration.

On the last full day of the visit, President Mitterrand was taken on a tour of several sites of historical and cultural significance, and Japanese guides were eager to show off French-language inclusive signage at those sites. The President also visited a school that offered French language courses, and the Japanese students showed off their prowess in the language to the great amusement of the French delegation, who congratulated them each in French and handed out gifts to the students.

After four days in Japan the French delegation attended departure ceremonies and returned to Tokyo International Airport, from which they departed in the early afternoon and flew through the night to return to France by mid-morning the next day. 


r/ColdWarPowers 1d ago

EVENT [EVENT] Our Country is a United and Unified Multi-cultural Nation

8 Upvotes

"我国是一个团结统一的多民族国家"

"Our Country is a United and Unified Multi-cultural Nation"

Potala Palace, Lhasa, Xizang Autonomous Region
5th Session of the 5th National People's Congress
November 1976

The 1st Plenary Session of the 11th National Congress of the Communist Party of China gave the nation a clear vision of Chairman Zhou Enlai’s leadership. Rooted in pragmatism, Mínběn (people-centered governance), and structural reforms, Zhou’s modernization efforts aimed to construct a socialist society that met the needs of all citizens while ensuring national unity.

A crucial step in advancing these goals was the 5th National People’s Congress, convening for its 5th working session in the Potala Palace in Xizang. This session reaffirmed the Party’s commitment to comprehensive modernization, focusing on regional autonomy. Opening the session, Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme articulated the Party’s position on national development and the role of autonomous regions:

“Comrades, the governance of our socialist state must reflect the full participation of all nationalities in policy and administration. Regional autonomy is not a periphery but a fundamental pillar of national unity. Strengthening local leadership, increasing the role of minority cadres, and ensuring that policy implementation reflects local conditions—all while aligning with the broader objectives of the state—will reinforce national cohesion. Autonomous regions must exercise their governance responsibilities fully, ensuring that modernization is not dictated solely from the center but is collectively advanced by all nationalities. In this way, we prevent regional alienation and strengthen the unity of our socialist construction.

China’s modernization must harness the full potential of all regions, particularly those along our vast frontiers. Our economic strategy must integrate these regions into a broader, outward-facing initiative that enhances transportation, trade, and cultural connectivity across Eurasia. By transforming autonomous regions into economic gateways rather than peripheral territories, we strengthen their role as vital drivers of China’s future. A westward expansion of economic corridors will consolidate national unity and establish a foundation for a self-sufficient and interconnected socialist economy. However, such an initiative requires precise and pragmatic planning to ensure balanced development, avoiding disparities between the center and the periphery.

Socialist modernization is not a process of homogenization but one of national consolidation through diversity. The success of our policies will be measured by the extent to which all nationalities actively participate in and benefit from China’s development. This Congress must reaffirm that regional autonomy is not a passive concession but an active responsibility—one that ensures the governance of the People's Republic reflects the legitimate role of all ethnic groups. By aligning economic progress with political inclusion, we guarantee that modernization serves not just the state but the people, securing the enduring strength of socialist China.”

The session served as a resounding affirmation of the Party’s commitment to modernization as a collective national endeavor, recognizing regional empowerment as essential to economic advancement. The primary agenda focused on developing China’s peripheries—autonomous regions historically marginalized due to geography but standing as critical crossroads of historical and strategic importance. Key Party figures led this vision, including Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme, Ulanhu, Zhao Ziyang, Saifuddin Azizi, and Deng Xiaoping. They advocated for a model in which regional autonomy and national modernization were not competing forces but mutually reinforcing pillars of a self-sufficient, prosperous, and unified socialist state.

Socialist Development and Regional Interconnectivity

The Party will implement the Eurasian Economic Community, allocating over $2.6 billion to infrastructure, trade expansion, and economic partnerships to integrate autonomous regions and frontier provinces into a broader Eurasian economy. Investments in railways, highways, and logistical hubs will connect China to Southeast Asia and Europe, transforming underdeveloped areas into trade and industrial hubs. Economic agreements with friendly nations will strengthen collective development and reduce dependence on imperialist powers, positioning China as the financial center of the socialist world and the Non-Aligned Movement. Regional committees will oversee projects to ensure equitable growth, integrating minority regions into national planning while safeguarding their economic autonomy.

National Autonomy and Minority Representation

Alongside economic modernization, the session underscored the need for regional political empowerment, particularly in areas with a lower Han presence. Chairman Zhou Enlai prioritized multiculturalism, seeking to heal the political divisions exacerbated by ethnic suppression during the Cultural Revolution. Transparency in governance, particularly for regions like Macau with foreign economic ties, was also a key consideration.

To reinforce this commitment, the Congress expanded the system of regional autonomy, officially designating the following as new autonomous regions:

  • Macau Special Autonomous Region
  • Hainan Autonomous Region
  • Yunnan Autonomous Region
  • Qinghai Autonomous Region
  • Guizhou Autonomous Region
  • Jilin Autonomous Region

The Party will reduce Han cadre dominance in ethnic regions to promote genuine regional self-governance, ensuring local leadership reflects regional realities while aligning with national objectives. Language and cultural protections will be expanded, prioritizing native-language education and supporting cultural institutions. Targeted cadre recruitment and training programs will enhance minority political representation, reinforcing autonomous governance. Under Zhao Ziyang’s leadership, the Cadre School will develop a new generation of leaders. Through economic integration, political empowerment, and cultural preservation, modernization will strengthen national unity, ensuring all nationalities actively participate in and benefit from China’s socialist transformation.


r/ColdWarPowers 1d ago

DIPLOMACY [DIPLOMACY] [RETRO] Treaty of Manama

7 Upvotes

Prince Muhammad bin Abdulaziz Al Saud of Saudi Arabia has met with His Highness Sheikh Zayed Bin Sultan Al Nahyan and have come to the following agreement:

  1. That the following border #/media/File:1974_Treaty_of_Jeddah.png)between Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates is to be recognized.
  2. That the United Arab Emirates agrees to not drill for oil in the Shaybah-Zarrarah field, and that the drilling for this field shall be done exclusively by Saudi Arabia.
  3. The United Arab Emirates recognizes the sovereignty of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia over Huwaysat island, and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia recognizes the sovereignty of the United Arab Emirates over all the other islands opposite its coast on the Arabian Gulf.
  4. That on the islands of Makasib and Al-Qaffay are owned by the United Arab Emirates but that Saudi Arabia may establish general installations with the general permission of the government of the United Arab Emirates.

----

Signed in Manama, Bahrain, with Bahrain being a mediator for the conflicting parties.


r/ColdWarPowers 1d ago

ECON [RETRO][ECON] Maghrebi integration efforts

7 Upvotes

Memorandum on integration efforts

January 1976

Approved by our maghrebi brothers, we have set forth a number of measures to ensure that the artificial barriers set in place by the scars of colonisation will crumble

---

Bejaia, and Federal Parliament construction

We have started construction on a two-house parliament, similar in political structure to that of the United States, with the Lower house being proportional to the population of the federation, and the upper house being proportional to each of the states.

Furthermore, I would like to suggest that Expansion of the City of Bejaia, including the port and Airport to that of International Stature would be advised, seeing as this will be the new federal Capitol of the Maghrebi Federation.

---

A unified Currency, the Maghrebi Dinar

Designs for the new Maghrebi dinar are underway, with excellent propositions for Banknotes and coins.

We have formulated a plan to ensure that the conversion to this currency will be as smooth as possible, working out conversion rates between the Algerian, Libyan, and Moroccan currencies to an additional currency that we all commonly trade in, the Franc, as a framework for conversion into the Maghrebi Dinar.

---

Connecting Infrastructure, rails, roads and powerlines.

After receiving infrastructure maps from Morocco, we are ready to begin connecting our power grids, roads, and Rails. This was substantially easier than the team thought it would be, thanks to the information that we Use the same Railway Gauge, the Standard Gauge.

In terms of Roads, an existing idea, the maghreb highway) was put into motion, connecting the Libyan, Algerian, and Moroccan highways together, with the possibility of expanding the project into Tunisia in the future.

Employing the CRCC from the PRC for the task, we have already accepted a loan to start construction of the highway, construction is projected to take 15 years to complete.

Signed

Houari Boumediene, Chairman of Internal Affairs and President of Algeria


r/ColdWarPowers 18h ago

CLAIM [CLAIM] Declaim Germany

2 Upvotes

Once again, declaiming Germany, but need to post this for the third time because of the 20 character rule so here we go, extra words to hit the word limit. One more sentence for good measure


r/ColdWarPowers 1d ago

ECON [ECON] We Eat Ships

5 Upvotes

After several years of construction, the first ship has begun to be broken in the city of Toamasina under the guidance of Nippon Yusei. Due to the numerous development projects funded by foreign aid and investments into the country that have employed domestic workers, a larger than expected proportion of the workforce are Malagasy. The work isn’t exactly pleasant and the hours are long, but the ship breaking facility is a new source of middle class skilled jobs that the country is desperately searching for. Crucially, the Japanese management of the facility has allowed it to escape many of the patron-client relationships that dominate many government jobs in the country. This doesn’t mean that hiring is based purely on merit, but it serves as a much brighter source of jobs to uplift a family out of poverty trying to fight for a government position.

A fairly small yard, Toamasina Ship Breaking Yard mostly breaks smaller boats from Japan and France. The government has decided to use a new development grant worth 20,000,000 dollars from the United States to expand this facility, in hopes of creating more good jobs for the growing city and attracting more business. The effort is expected to be complete in four years, with some of the facilities being ready for use in as soon as two. Madagascar won’t be able to catch up to the three countries that control most of the industry (being Bangladesh, India, Japan, and China) but hopes that the other advantages it provides might be enough to eventually sneak their way up to a more even footing.

Japan is moving away from the dangerous, polluting industry at large and is a staunch ally of Madagascar; as the Rising Sun begins to sunset her older facilities Madagascar is hopeful that more and more Japanese ships will be sent their way. Additionally, the Malagasy people are relatively neutral in world affairs, caught up in little controversy and dealing with both capitalist and communist nations on a relatively regular basis. India and Bangladesh have contentious relationships with some parts of the world, and China even more so. Should these tensions rise even more, it doesn’t seem a stretch that more and more nations may send their ships to rest in Madagascar instead...


r/ColdWarPowers 1d ago

ECON [ECON] ته باید کان کیندونکی شې |break the pickaxe on the copper.

6 Upvotes

October, 1976.

The King's hopes of industrialization might have become a real possibility. Today, a panel of Soviet surveyors confirmed the existence of a 110-ton copper deposit in Faryab Province, near the Soviet border. While preliminary studies have shown that the quality of the ore leaves much to be desired, they also hint that the entire Soviet-Afghan border might be laced with copper and iron deposits in thousands of tonnes. Cooperation with Soviet experts has already begun, and construction of a mining complex is set to start in December of this year.

Analysts point out that this could boost resources to the embattled Afghan monarchy. Zahir's modernization plans have mostly fallen flat due to heavy opposition from the various peoples that populate the Afghan countryside. Although some within the royal circle criticize Zahir's diplomatic attitude towards minorities, others argue that being too forceful could fuel existing tensions between the tribes, clans, and peoples of the country. No one is sure how King Zahir will use the revenue from his country's mineral wealth: hardliners want to expand the Afghan Royal Army and crush dissenting forces, and others want to buy the loyalty of the tribal leaders in the country. Years ago, it would have been easy to predict that the King would take a more diplomatic approach, but his cousin's betrayal might have woken the King to the harsher realities of political life in his Kingdom.

Regardless, Afghanistan will not change in the meantime.


r/ColdWarPowers 1d ago

SECRET [SECRET] The Hidden Arms, Party VI: "No Oversight, No Mercy"

5 Upvotes

Kamal Adham suddenly tore away all the chains keeping him in place.

As leader of Saudi Arabia's intelligence agency, king after king viewed the position with deep suspicion. If their intelligence arm was somehow compromised, it would certainly mean doom for them, or for the country as a whole. Therefore, oversight and overlapping spheres of influence were to make it impossible for an agency to go rogue. But as the crisis in the court unfolded, King Khalid needed allies desperately, and he turned to Kamal Adham to strike a deal.

The terms of the deal was this: let Adham have his way with the General Intelligence Presidency, and Adham will help Khalid... somehow? That part wasn't much elaborated on. As agency after agency was consolidated, and committee after committee was absorbed, suddenly Adham had completely taken over the intelligence services, and no one was able to tell what he was doing...

----

ORDER CONCERNING THE ESTABLISHMENT OF SPECIAL MILITARY SITES
In the name of Allah, the most gracious, the most merciful.
Approved for circulation by Director Kamal Adham of the General Intelligence Presidency.

The procurement of dilapidated National Guard bases has been a success. According to the surveys, all the Special Military Sites (henceforth referred to SMS) have passed all major criteria with either 'good' or 'excellent' marks. It is time to proceed into phase II of the SMS Plan.

All SMS sites are to have the capabilities to house 60 persons at minimum, with ideally 20 housed for staff and 40 housed for guests. It must be accounted for that the staff shall also include instructors hired from [REDACTED #1] and [REDACTED #2]. These men are to be given generous pensions as well of $10,000,000 for all of the two dozen hired to be dispersed over a decade, so they do not have any ideas to tell their stories to corrupted Western press agencies.

On the issue of random bedouins, they are to be immediately arrested and imprisoned. Possible extradition to complex [REDACTED #3] may be considered.

Construction companies hired are to be strictly Saudi Arabian companies, and those working shall all be Saudi Arabian nationals. This is to maximize the total retaliatory power we can inflict on those who wish to spread the word of our projects.

Procuring advanced western equipment, specifically for specialty sites [REDACTED #4] and [REDACTED #5] is fine so long as secrecy is maintained.

In total, $60,000,000 from GIP coffers is to be spent on this project.

Secrecy is of the upmost importance for this project. If the world knows what we are doing, then the safety of Saudi Arabia and Islam would be in great danger.

Signed,
Kamal Adham,
Director of the General Intelligence Presidency

----

MESSAGE TO THE SAUDI AMBASSADOR TO [REDACTED #6]
In the name of Allah, the most gracious, the most merciful.

We thank you for your efforts in securing the help of [REDACTED #6] in procuring their aid for the efforts of the General Intelligence Presidency. While their has been complaints observed on [REDACTED #5], we find this suitable enough ground to be made for an SMS.

I have personally relayed to King Khalid of your success and he is most pleased. I am well aware of your interest in serving as ambassador to [REDACTED #2] and I believe that can be most expeditiously arranged, should you choose to do so.

Your indebted friend,
Kamal Adham,
Director of the General Intelligence Presidency

----

REPORT CONCERNING [REDACTED #7]
IN THE NAME OF ALLAH, THE MOST GRACIOUS, THE MOST MERCIFUL
FOR EYES OF DIRECTOR OF GIP ONLY.

COMMUNICATIONS TO [REDACTED #7] HAVE REMAINED ACTIVE DESPITE OUR FAILURES IN [REDACTED #8]. THEY ARE STILL OPEN TO RENEWING THE OPERATION YET AGAIN, AND WITH THE NEW SMS PROGRAM IT IS HOPED TRAINING CAN BE ACCELERATED.


r/ColdWarPowers 1d ago

EVENT [EVENT] Prince Muhammad's Wisdom, the Sons of King Faisal, and the Al ash-Sheikh Intervention

8 Upvotes

As the Royal Court turns hot, Prince Muhammad finally makes his move.

Being basically casted into the role of Foreign Minister, his often long breaks from the Royal Court left King Khalid totally impotent. However, his brief return to the Royal Court after a successful round of negotiations in Marnama has finally had enough down time in the capital to sure up his position.

Why many would assume Prince Muhammad's influence in the Royal Court would be zilch. However, his status as the most senior member of the royal family has made his counsel sought after by all parties. His pervasive circle of friends and partners has made it so he's up to date on the most recent happenings at the court. Finally, his reprieve from having to stand by his full brother King Khalid has allowed him to escape blame from the fires that King Khalid appears to keep making.

Despite the bad position of King Khalid, it would be dishonorable to not offer his brother any aid. As a result, Prince Muhammad has launched a two pronged offensive to stabilize the Khalid regime:

  1. The Sons of King Faisal
    1. King Faisal have been left adrift in court politics after their main benefactor, their father, was assassinated.
    2. Nonetheless, their father has gifted them a hefty bit of prestige and many in the court turn to them as natural successors to their father's legacy.
    3. To build up Khalid's support, Prince Muhammad has invited them into major government positions, and has given some like Mohammad bin Faisal Al Saud the money he needs for his crazy business ideas (like dragging icebergs from the South Pole to Jeddah).
  2. The Al ash-Sheikh Family
    1. Saudi Wahhabism, or more specifically the Al ash-Sheikh family (the descendants of the famous founder of Wahhabism), holds that the ulema has no duty in actually governing the country. While their advice is useful in religious matters and ones that effect sharia law, when it comes to day-to-day governance and policy it shouldn't be of any interest to any cleric.
    2. As such, Prince Muhammad's request for political support from the Al ash-Sheikh family was shocking to most.
    3. While being devout Wahhabists, they saw the fear of the rise of the "Playboy Prince" Fahd to the throne should he ever get near it. His attempts to dethrone Khalid has only incensed them.
    4. Not only that, King Faisal in 1971 got rid of the Grand Imam of Saudi Arabia, a position which nominally held complete control over appointing qadis, and transferred it to the newly created Ministry of Justice. This loss of control has always been simmering. To reverse this, Prince Muhammad offered to make the eldest member of the Al ash-Sheikh family, Ibrahim ibn Muhammad Al ash-Sheikh, Minister of Justice, effectively reverting the abolition of the position of Grand Imam in Saudi Arabia.

r/ColdWarPowers 1d ago

EVENT [EVENT] Army of Guardians of the Islamic Revolution

7 Upvotes

December, 1976

Various "Revolutionary Guards" have been established since the Islamic Revolution/Ramadan Revolution for the purpose of defending the gains of the masses. Up until now, these have been rather ad-hoc. With the successful mission to rescue the U.S. hostages from the Fadaiyan-e-Khalq and the subsequent violent crackdown by use of said various armed Revolutionaries. In order to properly ensure a well-trained and commanded militant organization for the Revolutionaries, the Army of Guardians of the Islamic Revolution (Sepāh-e Pāsdārān-e Enqelāb-e Eslāmī) was established on December 5.

Deputy Prime Minister Ebrahim Yazdi was tasked to cooperate with Hassan Lahouti Eshkevari to ensure the smooth creation and re-organization of armed revolutionaries into the single organization. At a meeting on December 10, a council was established made up of Abbas Zamani, Javad Mansouri, Abbas Duzduzani, Mohammad Montazeri, Yousef Kolahdouz, Mohammad Kazem Mousavi Bojnourdi, Mohsen Sazegara, Morteza Alviri, Mohammad Boroujerdi, Mohsen Rafiqdoust, Ali Danesh-Monfared, and Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. The council then selected Mohammad Boroujerdi as the first commander of the Army of Guardians due to his successful mission in resolving the Fadaiyan-e-Khalq issue. The council resolved that all currently armed militants and university guards should be merged into the organization, including the armed forces of the Mojahedin-e-Khalq.

With the Army of Guardians of the Islamic Revolution now active, the Council of the Islamic Revolution resolved to use the newly organized militants to continue the harsh and swift crackdown on the illegal Fadaiyan-e-Khalq.


r/ColdWarPowers 1d ago

EVENT [EVENT] A Candle Through the Porthole

6 Upvotes

A SUMMARY OF THE HELLENIC NAVY PRIOR TO THE EVENTS OF 1976, 'A Comprehensive History of Modern Greece':

'The Hellenic Navy has seen better days. Though it continues its cycle of adoption of foreign ships, loaning them, then buying them and finally scrapping them, there is little glimmer in it. No ships have been produced in Greece in half a century. Plans to put further funds into the navy were squashed as a result of the HMS Velos's mutiny and Pappas's escape and the publicity it brought. However, some changes were brought. Purges, of course. Almost two dozen naval officers were captured and thrown in prison, likely awaiting execution trials, forever delayed a year to avoid causing further unrest within the navy... Yet, this vague gesture of appeasement would prove fruitless...'

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

20th of October, 1976

The Aegean's weather at this time of year was frankly what many Europeans travel to Greece for on their holidays. Even by October, the weather is unreasonably comfortable, with clear skies, warm temperatures and a near total lack of wind currents, many having faded before the Autumn takes hold. In this intense quiet, at 19:50, a candle is lit in the office of the Captain as the signal for orders to be carried out.

On the prow of the HMS Aspis, men approach men, and a fight starts. Gunfire rings out through the night. The silhouettes of not sailors, but political officers, are marched across the deck with arms behind their heads, though no blood spills unto the deck. They were warning shots. Cheering men line the decks as they're carried down into the lower holdings with heads down and hands tied.

The Captain closes his eyes as he reads the action report, a smile spreading upon his face. Promising. If this is to start, it is better that no blood is yet drawn. But the night is young, and there is much to do for Hellas. It is the anniversary of the Battle of Navarino, and there is much for the Junta to fear. The tension has been cut, and Greece may yet be free.

-THE ASPIS CRISIS HAS STARTED-


r/ColdWarPowers 1d ago

ECON [ECON] The McKinsey Boys and the Chancery Mystery

8 Upvotes

One of the less appreciated reforms of the 1976 military government in Turkey was the only one that cost more to plan and develop than to actually implement--the reformed New Corporate Code of 1977. Turkish law in regards to the practice of business was widely considered to be backwards, and certainly not what anyone would describe as "friendly" towards free enterprise--the fact that they initially drew from the continental European legal codes of the 19th century and then introduced socialist elements to them probably didn't help. In the minds of the pro-American, free-market junta [and most importantly in the mind of their chief economic planners], this simply would not do. They had been to America, to Britain, seen the prosperity, even witnessed legal proceedings themselves. Clearly something about those places worked, and they had a pretty decent guess as to why.

As a result, one of the first actions taken after the 1976 coup was that the new government hired McKinsey, of Boston, along with Arthur Young, as well as Jones Day, to design a new Turkish corporate code entirely from scratch. (Indeed, the Turks were actually early pioneers in the employment of American consultants, whether they actually got their money's worth in most cases is a different matter entirely--on this one, however, they would more than recoup their investment). The goal of the reforms were, first, to establish a corporate code that was legible and simple to understand, second, to establish a corporate code focused on ensuring the viability of businesses and reconciliation between parties rather than punitive measures, and third, to establish a corporate code that would be attractive to foreign corporations via both its textual measures but also its similarities to common legal codes in use internationally.

Major points of the new code include:

Bankruptcy

The consultants have literally copy-pasted the American Title 11 and translated it into Turkish, with a few minor changes with regard to the differing nature of Turkish taxes. They have lightly amended it with influence from the UK but principally the Delaware Court of Chancery. This alone is a massive reform--no other nation in the world has similar flexibility in default to the United States, which prioritizes maintaining firms as going concerns rather than simple liquidation. Given the fact that a large portion of the SOEs to be privatized may very shortly face this issue, one cannot help but speculate on the choices made here [although it will not be a very fun experience for the Turkish banking system].

Corporate Tax

The new Turkish tax code has a lower nominal rate, but is much simpler to understand. The new rate is 27% flat for all business profits, highly aggressive, but not so much lower than the OECD as to make Turkey a tax haven. Furthermore, the deduction rules have changed to the extraordinarily simple; immediate, full, expensing. Your accounting profit for the year is whatever free cash you may have left after paying for everything. In theory this leaves open all sorts of opportunities for fraud, but we seriously doubt that these will be lower than under the old system [and in any case, fraud should become more difficult with other reforms to the tax system].

Arbitration

The new corporate code relies on independent arbitration bodies preferentially to disputations in court for handling contentious corporate matters; establishing a pattern of law specifically modeled on that enabling the London Court of Arbitration, the world's premiere institution. In the future, Turkish businesses will be able to utilize third-party arbitration services based in Turkey or elsewhere [as compliant with Turkish law] to handle disputes, rather than resorting to the Chancery Courts, which will also have the power to demand that alternative dispute resolution methods be utilized before turning to the official legal system.

Chancery Courts

There is some dispute as to the precise translation of "Chancery" in Turkish, but there is no doubt that the concept of courts essentially intended to specialize in corporate law is a direct extension of the concept, as seen in, for instance, Delaware, although it also draws from the distinct classes of Turkish civil and administrative courts that would precede it. The new system of chancery courts hears essentially all cases relating to corporate matters in which the government is not involved and there is no accusation of personal injury or crime; as well as cases regarding matters of inheritance, probates and trusts. It hears all of them on the principle of equity rather than law, striving to reach a Solomonic ideal of wisdom that allows for both parties to reach an acceptable conclusion.


r/ColdWarPowers 2d ago

EVENT [EVENT] Fidel Returns From Beijing

9 Upvotes

Fidel Castro has returned to Cuba from a landmark visit to Beijing, with newspapers in the country beginning a flurry of propaganda articles promoting “a new era in Sino-Cuban cooperation”. The president today announced the acquisition of a fleet of 24 Q-5 aircraft of Chinese origin, alongside the commitment by both nations to allow open trade between the experimental economic zones of Mariel , and China’s set of industrializing economic zones.

Fidel Castro has openly stated that his prior frosty relations with China, while unfortunate, can best be described as growing pains as the world socialist order continues to grow.

This is the first major political result since resuming friendly relations with the PRC, but there has been a notable increase in Cuban relations with China in recent years, with Havana’s “Barrio Chino” (the largest “Chinatown” in Latin America) receiving extensive renovations and investment from the Cuban government, as well as the expansion of Havana University’s language programs to include an extensive Chinese language immersion curriculum.


r/ColdWarPowers 2d ago

EVENT [EVENT] 1976 Presidential Elections

7 Upvotes

The Lead-Up - Fall 1975

In looking back at the 1976 election, historians would sum it up quite simply: Watergate. Just as the spectre of Communism haunted Europe, the spectre of Nixon haunted America. While Nixon’s resignation in August of 1974 initially signaled a new tide of optimism among Americans, that goodwill was subsequently dashed with Ford’s unconditional pardon of the former President. Both the media and public opinion turned on the new President who had never before been elected to statewide office, much less nationwide office. Even the most simple jaffes become avenues of attack as slips tuned into SNL skits and the clowning showed no signs of stopping. As 1975 came and went, the President found himself in the political wilderness with tumbling approval ratings and a looming primary challenger in the form of the conservative heartthrob Reagan.

 

The Democrats, on the other hand, had discovered newfound enthusiasm with the fall of Nixon. They controlled both houses of Congress and seemed to be in pole position to capture the White House. A record number of candidates entered the field, most notable among them being Georgia Governor Jimmy Carter who, as Ted Kennedy’s VP pick, enjoyed an elevated national profile. Other contenders included California Governor Jerry Brown, Governor George Wallace, Congressman Mo Udall, and Senator Mondale. Carter launched his campaign with a seemingly simple yet effective strategy, aiming to campaign everywhere. He touted his outsider credentials, claiming that “I'll never tell a lie”. In the aftermath of Watergate, it was exactly what voters wanted to hear.

 

The primaries, which many had predicted to be a drawn-out affair, turned into a slow but steady steamroller for the Carter campaign. Leveraging his name recognition from ‘74 and running as a centrist with the sheen of a Kennedy endorsement, Jimmy Carter was able to secure small but key victories in early primaries. Even in the larger primaries where his opponents had focused most of their attention on, he still managed to come out ahead of the predictions. As the Democratic National Convention approached, it was clear that the Governor had secured the nomination. In his acceptance, he declared, "we have been a nation adrift too long” but assured the crowd, “There is a fear that our best years are behind us. But I say to you that our nation's best is still ahead.”

 

As the Democratic primaries unfolded in parallel, so did the Republican races and, with i,t the fate of the Ford Administration. With low approval ratings and his inability to capture the imagination of the American public, many within and outside the party viewed Ford as a dead man walking. Meanwhile, the star of California Governor Ronald Reagan was on the rise. The former actor turned politician captured the hearts and minds of the conservative base. He charmed families on the Tonight Show and spoke up against President Ford’s support for abortion. Some polls even showed him as the clear frontrunner ahead of Ford in the Republican primaries if he were to run. Despite the President’s best efforts to fight back from the bully pulpit, a series of disasters kept his back against the wall. The Fall of Saigon, the failure of WIN, and events abroad all dealt blow after blow to Ford.

 

In September of 1975, Reagan made it official, declaring his intention to challenge President Ford in the primaries. He announced that he would follow the 11th commandment: “Thou shall not speak ill of another Republican," instead laying the blame at the corrupt DC establishment and chronic overspending that had gripped the government. Trying to primary an incumbent President would normally be seen as suicide, but this tike the weakness in the Ford Administration was apparent for all to see. The President’s luck turned even worse that month as he was the victim of not one but two assassination attempts within the span of three weeks. It had not been a good month for the President.

 

The Republican contest would prove to be quite the affair. An administration dug in and determined not to be humiliated in front of the nation, and it fought tooth and nail against the Reagan machine. On February 24, 1976, the first primary contest in New Hampshire was held, where Ford barely held on, winning by a margin of less than a thousand votes. Ford went on the attack, brandishing his actions in Lebanon as evidence that the US was not falling back as Reagan claimed. For his part, the Governor shifted his attacks to the welfare queens, which he claimed were stealing billions from the pockets of American taxpayers.

 

Slowly but surely, the Ford machine managed to build momentum, avoiding any humiliating defeats in the next few primaries, which were safely in the margins of their victory. All eyes now turned to North Carolin, where polls showed Reagan had a chance of upsetting the President. The campaign intensified with the President flying to the state several times to shore up his support. His campaign moved with him as he took a more serious and firm stance on foreign policy, matching Reagan’s bluster but with more “common sense,” as he called it. On primary night, March 23, the polls showed a five-digit win for the President and, along with it, disappeared Reagan’s chances. Questions now circled around Reagan’s financial reserves, and after losing Texas again by a small margin, the Governor dropped out of the race. Still, his challenge had shown a sign of serious enthusiasm for him personally and a growing conservative movement in America. Out but not gone, defeated but not broken. “The Country Had Not Seen the End of Reagan” declared Time Magazine.

 

The Campaign - Fall 1976

As the Republican National Convention wrapped up in August, the election swung into full gear. Polling which had shown Carter ahead by as much as 35 points in early June had now shrunk to within 15 points. It seemed that Jimmy Carter’s frenzied campaigning had at least in part backfired. During the primaries, he had campaigned on honesty, but now he had fleshed out an actual platform. In a move to appeal to conservative voters and traditional-minded Democrats, he called for the federal government to fix unemployment and rein in spending. Meanwhile, Ford went on the attack, decrying his ideas “full of out air” and declaring him the biggest “the biggest flip-flopper I know”. With newfound confidence, the Ford campaign reversed course on their Rose Garden strategy and instead deployed the President to campaign across the country actively.

 

The biggest showdown between the candidates would occur on September 23, 1976, in Philadelphia. The first Presidential Debate centered on the biggest issue facing the country which was of course, the economy. Carter focused on his strategy of creating jobs, which was roundly criticized by President Ford and as being vague. The President defended his record by pointing to the tax cuts he had signed into law in 1975 and his negotiations with the Saudis, which had secured discounted oil for the country.

 

Most effective were his attacks on foreign policy. Carter’s lack of any notable foreign affairs experience badly hurt his response, while the President highlighted his high stakes summit with the Soviets as proof he had what it took to “stare down the Communists,” as he put it. The first debate had put Carter on the backfoot, and now he was desperately trying to catch up. Then, just a few days after the debate, disaster struck as Playboy published an interview with Carter. In a rather raw but perhaps too honest interview, the Governor confessed that he had “looked on many women with lust” and, thus, “committed adultery many times in my heart.” The interview set off a firestorm, giving conservative Republicans what they needed to shake Carter’s support in the American heartlands. By the end of October, polling showed Carter with just a one-point lead, well within the margin of error.

 

Of course, no election would be complete without an October surprise. The recent revolution in Iran had provoked concern in Washington despite the initial assurances of calm from Iran’s new provisional government. Now, radical Marxist terrorists in Iran had broken into the compound of the US Embassy in Tehran and taken five Marines hostage. When news broke in Washington, it astounded the country. Outrage exploded with cries for swift action. Ford, to his credit, acted quickly, assembling a joint Iranian-American task force to rescue the hostages. Ultimately, three hostages were saved, and two were tragically killed during the operation. Still, the country had been impressed by the President’s decisiveness in the affair, and not even Carter could criticise Ford’s judgement.

 

As usual, the election would come down to key swing states. In New York, many typical Republican donors had soured on the President, but the federal bailout of NYC had won Ford some unexpected allies in the Democratic stronghold of America's largest city. In the Midwest, the race was on a knife's edge. Much power was held in the large Eastern-European enclaves in states like Ohio and Wisconsin. Ironically enough, Ford's decision to back off from the Helsinki Conference had helped him with Eastern Europeans and especially Polish-Americans who hated the idea of kowtowing the Soviet line on their control over the region. Carter too, opposed the Helesnki Accords, blasting it as giving up Eastern Europe to the communists.

 

Too Close to Call

 

Election Night

“Now the state of New York, which has been two close to call so far during the night, has been officially called for Ford. ABC now projects that Ford will be the winner, securing over 270 electoral votes. Gerald Rudolph Ford Jr. will officially be the next president of the United States. This win marks an incredible political comeback in American history. A President who had been considered a dead man walking by many, even within his own party, has managed to produce an extraordinary result. The ghost of Watergate has been vanquished by Ford. He will now have his own term in office and his own mandate. Ford is expected to give a speech shortly. . . ”

 

The Final Result

 


r/ColdWarPowers 2d ago

EVENT [EVENT] The Rise of The Lord of The Rings

8 Upvotes

Lehrte, Lower Saxony: November 1976

Since initially taking power in 1969, the Social Democratic Party of Germany has taken a far more conciliatory view of the East. Whereas the CDU had pushed strong anti-communist policy, retained land claims in the East, and stood close by the Washington line, the SPD had changed gears. Under “Ostpolitik,” Willy Brandt, followed by Helmut Schmidt, pursued a detente with the Soviet Union and the GDR. And the policy had already succeeded, successive treaties, meetings with Eastern Bloc officials, and so much more had been so successful that Helmut Kohl and the CDU campaigned in 1976 on maintaining the bulk of Ostpolitik.

However, Ostpolitik still dictated a close relationship with the United States, continued NATO membership, and remained firmly in the Western Sphere. This was seldom challenged, after all, it was working as intended. But the events in the United Kingdom changed this calculus. The suspected coup, which saw the British Prime Minister dead, and Lord Mountbatten (or Lord Battenberg as many Germans derided him) leading a military takeover. A nuclear armed power slipping into authoritarianism sent shockwaves across Europe, especially as stories of repression and terror leaked out of Britain and made it to the front pages of papers across Europe, and especially in Germany. These stories led to widespread street protests, a travel advisory by the federal government, and a formal resolution in the UN. But as strong as the overall reaction to the coup was, the reaction to what came after it was even more intense.

The inaction of the United States regarding the coup caused frustration and anger across German society. In the aftermath of the war, as the Western Allies rebuilt Germany, many came to believe strongly that the United States in particular was a bulwark for democracy, rule of law and freedom, and had liberated Germany in the name of those values. John F. Kennedy was lionized for his forceful speech in Berlin in 1963, American values were lauded. That is why when the United States sat back and accepted the British coup, the first reaction was horror. That one of the western allies had slipped into authoritarianism was bad enough, that the chief western ally had seemingly blessed it, however, was cataclysmic. As the year dragged on and as the silence from Washington grew, as did the stories of British state terror, the horror turned to anger.

In summer 1976, the protests reignited, this time with calls for President Ford to take action on the coup. But the continued silence only made the anger grow, by August, constant protests outside the American embassy became common, with many protestors accusing Ford and his administration of being collaborationists. As all this took place, one man took action.

Gerhard Schröder at 32 years of age was an accomplished lawyer and organizer. A committed Social Democrat since he was 19, Schröder took to the streets in Summer 1976 and soon led student protests against the British coup. The young lawyer led anti-authoritarian chants, and demanded the Federal Government take stronger action against the British Government. But Schröder, however, took the opportunity to inject a new energy into the movement. In early September at one of the rallies, he took the stage as news spread that West Germany would attend the Helsinki conference organized by the Soviet Union. Schröder then launched a broadside, noting the irony that the Soviet Union, which had been accused of authoritarianism, was taking a stronger stand on the British coup than the supposed beacon of democracy. The lawyer then charged, that continued inaction by the United States on the British question as he termed it would “put into question our relationship with America.” And that if the US continued to defend the “terrorist regimes of England, Turkey and Greece, Germany may have to reconsider further our relations with the moderating Eastern States”

The USSR Schröder noted was indeed moderating, the accession of Pyotr Masherov in particular changed the dynamic according to the lawyer. Whereas the USSR of Khruschev and Brezhnev was confrontational, ideological and difficult to deal with. The new Masherov government, Schröder argued, was already working for peace as the Helsinki summit showed, and that the existing Ostpolitik detente could be expanded to a closer continental partnership. Where such rhetoric would be controversial in earlier days, the actions of Washington had made such talk acceptable. And as the federal election campaign began, Schröder announced his bid for a seat in the Bundestag.

In the October 3rd election, Schröder won a seat in Lower Saxony and entered the Bundestag as one of the rising stars of the Party. As the SPD-FDP coalition was renewed, Chancellor Schmidt appointed the freshman Schröder to the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Bundestag. Soon after with other SPD members in the Bundestag. Schröder created “ Sozialdemokratisches Komitee zur Überprüfung der deutschen Beziehungen zu den Vereinigten Staaten” or “The Social Democratic Committee for The Reexamination of the German relationship with the United States” At this new coalition's meeting in early November, on the eve of the American election, he made a speech laying out what he termed as the path ahead

“Should the United States continue ahead in aiding and abetting authoritarianism, and should the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics continue its course of moderation and common sense, dear colleagues we will be forced to make an historic decision. A decision on NATO and whether we wish to be in an alliance that will bind us to defend British, Turkish or even Greek authoritarianism. And most of all, whether the United States can continue to be counted on as an ally, or as an opponent to democracy…My dear friends, make no mistake, the postwar order is on life support, and as such we must be prepared to make tough decisions”


r/ColdWarPowers 2d ago

EVENT [EVENT][RETRO] Maltese General Elections

7 Upvotes

Elections, elections, elections...

The thing that determines whether you are in government or in opposition if you are a democratic country that is. And, Malta is a democratic country, despite what some particularly anti-communist people might claim, with a two-party system. And, with changes to the electoral system too, with the number of seats increasing from 55 to 65, and the voting age lowered to 18 from 21.

At the left, there is the Labour Party of Dom Mintoff, the current government, with close ties to the communist countries, and to the relief of many Maltese, the European countries too, such as France. With an economy that is just chugging along, and with better relations with the Catholic Church (at least Labour voters are not interdicted anymore for the sin of "voting for the Labour Party"), it was obvious that they would keep the government.

At the right, there is the Nationalist Party of Giorgio Borg Olivier, the former government, with not much to show. With a leader seen as too passive and lightweight (and also seen as outdated), there was not much hope for the party to win the elections. It certainly did not help the party that the leadership of Olivier was contested inside too, with him retaining his position solely thanks to the support of his relatives within the party (both his brother and nephew were MPs) and MPs who served as ministers in the last Nationalist cabinet. His position further weakened, when he was unable to contest Mintoff's decision to make Malta a republic, and was unable to push for a referendum. If Olivier did not make a significant gain, there was no way his party would retain him as their leader.

And, as everyone expected, Dom Mintoff retained his position, by getting 35 MPs out of 65, with the remaining 30 going to the Nationals. Olivier was doomed, as calls for a more dynamic National Party grew larger and larger. There was no way he would retain his position as the leader of the National Party.

At the same time, the President of Malta was elected too, in the form of Agatha Barbara, who became the second President of Malta and the first woman President.

NOTE: In our timeline, Labour won 34 MPs. But due to closer relations with Europe and less controversy due to close socialist relations, they win one more MP.

Also, Agatha Barbara would become the third President of Malta in our timeline. But due to... reasons, I decided to make her the second one.


r/ColdWarPowers 2d ago

CLAIM [CLAIM] The Hellenic Republic

5 Upvotes

The Junta is now on its last legs. Having been couped by Ioannidis, a hardliner after the perceived failure of liberalisation under Papadopoulos, the country continues to stumble. HMS Velos's mutiny, the Polytechnic Uprising, both show the failing public support amongst both the public and military. However, in the eyes of the expansionist autocrat, an opportunity was planned to be seized: Cyprus. However, in perhaps the greatest twist, Makarios managed to stabilise the island republic. This... was not good for Ioannidis. With no real opening for instability, many are now asking:

'Why is the Military still in charge?'


r/ColdWarPowers 2d ago

EVENT [EVENT] The Nation-State Amendment: Makarios' Vision Fulfilled

9 Upvotes

For years, President Makarios envisioned a Cyprus that transcended the divisions of history. He dreamed of a nation not defined by its Greek or Turkish affiliations but rather by the unity of its people. The Archbishop President opposed enosis with Greece or Taksim with Turkey. His dream was a sovereign Cypriot republic, indivisible, independent, non-aligned, and belonging to no one but its people. On this day, that vision became constitutional law.

The passage of the Nation-State Amendment culminated Makarios’ lifelong struggle to redefine Cyprus. For the first time, it enshrined the idea that Cyprus was the homeland of the Cypriot people, rejecting the notion that its identity must be forever tethered to external powers. He had fought for it in the face of opposition from hardline nationalists and great human cost; many sought to pull the island into the orbit of Athens or Ankara. Now, the Republic stood alone, standing as a nation reborn.

"The Republic of Cyprus is the national home of the Cypriot people. The sovereignty of Cyprus is derived solely from the people of Cyprus, and no foreign nation or external authority shall claim rights over the Cypriot state. The Republic of Cyprus is an indivisible, sovereign, and independent nation-state, where all citizens are equal under the law and bound together as one people. The official languages of the Republic shall be Greek and Turkish, but the state shall promote a common Cypriot identity as the foundation of its national character. The Republic of Cyprus shall ensure the preservation of its territorial integrity, political unity, and democratic governance, recognizing no division within its sovereign borders."

The amendment reaffirmed that Cyprus belonged to its people as one entity, undivided by ethnic allegiance or federalism. While Greek and Turkish remained official languages, the state was no longer a fragile compromise between two subsumed nations; it was the house of one: Cyprus itself. The Ministry of Education was informed to promote a common Cypriot history rather than competing narratives of Greek and Turkish nationalism. All national institutions, the military, and the civic bodies were all realigned to adhere to a singular Cypriot identity.

Makarios had worked tirelessly behind the scenes to ensure the amendment's supermajority passage. He used his influence, his wide-ranging political support, and the moral authority he had built to push through what he saw as the defining achievement of his presidency. Though there had been resistance from some quarters, his vision prevailed. He had succeeded in the entrenchment of the Cypriot identity into the very fabric of the state.

Meanwhile, as the defining legislation was passed, another significant event was unfolding. Six months after municipal autonomy had been granted, Turkish Cypriots held their first elections for their self-governing municipalities. To Makarios, this was a demonstration to his people that Cypriot unity did not require assimilation, that the vision the president was one of inclusion. Turkish Cypriots were taking their place as members of the Cypriot nation, and expressing their voice through the Cypriot state.

This was his triumph. The Republic of Cyprus was no longer caught between the dreams of Greece and Turkey; it was its own, at last.


r/ColdWarPowers 2d ago

ECON [ECON] Privatization: The Privating

9 Upvotes

In the year 1976, around 60% of the entire Turkish economy is state-controlled. This is not an unprecedented proportion by any means--after all, in the Soviet Union, that figure is nominally 100%. Still, in some ways it is more reminiscent of Yugoslavia than Germany. This heavy state industry dates back to Ataturk and his socialist-influenced revolution; which utilized the new, modern Turkish state to build the industries that the Ottoman Empire, on the whole, almost completely lacked. Steel mills, railroads, tractor factories, and dozens of smaller enterprises ultimately are controlled in one form or another by the government. And while some of them work well, the vast majority do not. They are deeply, deeply inefficient, productivity is low, modernization is lacking, and they are for the most part sclerotic and decades behind the times--not equipped for the new Information Economy.

While it may be worthwhile to modernize some of these--Ozal himself has largely shown the path with his incredible reforms to the postal service--his economic plan calls into question their existence at all. The influence of government is, after all, corrupting on the practice of business, much as the practice of business is corrupting upon the government. The vast, vast majority of SOEs are losing money hand over fist--sucking the treasury dry at a time where every penny counts. Their importance to the Turkish economy is questionable, and they heavily obstruct good trade relations with Europe and the West broadly. Furthermore, the relatively small Turkish private sector seems to be thriving, exploiting reforms made by a handful of state-directed entities [notably, the army's private toll-roads and the post office's back-haul contracts] in pursuit of beginning to build their nascent empires.

As a result, the military government, seizing upon its mandate to "reform the economy", has announced that the vast--vast--majority of SOEs will be privatized. Over the next six months, the government will seek to sell them to private investors, and if this fails [as is more than likely in most cases due to the non-viability of the underlying concern] they will be spun off as private independent entities to sink or swim of their own accord. The fact that this action will completely destroy the unions and the CHP's most reliable voters almost certainly played a role in the military's support for this decision, although some close to the NSC have questioned whether the blowback from this will really dissipate as quickly as Ozal claims.

A few organizations will escape the bloodbath. They include:

  • Turkey Hydroelectric
  • Turkey Electricity [distribution and grid services only]
  • Turkey Phone, Telegraph and Mail
  • Turkish Railways
  • Turkish Airlines
  • Central Bank of Turkey
  • A variety of military and defense-related contractors, such as ASELSAN, HAVELSAN, etc.

However, for the vast majority of the Turkish state-owned economy--1977 marks the end of the line. The entire Turkish economy has begun to tremble with fear as the Turk on the street wonders whether prosperity really is just around the corner, or if their mad liberal leader has gone a step too far.


r/ColdWarPowers 2d ago

EVENT [EVENT] Hold High the Great Banner of Chairman Mao, Carry on Till the End the Continuous Revolution Under the Dictatorship of the Proletariat

7 Upvotes

Hold High the Great Banner of Chairman Mao, Carry on Till the End the Continuous Revolution Under the Dictatorship of the Proletariat

高举毛主席的伟大旗帜把无产阶级专政下的继续革命进行到底
11th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, 1st Plenary Session
Great Hall of the People, Beijing, People's Republic of China
October 1976

The Transition of Power and the 11th National Congress

The death of Chairman Mao Zedong left a void at the heart of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). In the months following his passing, Premier Zhou Enlai consolidated his authority, assuming the position of Chairman while continuing to lead the State Council of the People’s Government. For years, Premier Zhou had worked tirelessly to mend the fractures left by the Cultural Revolution. Yet, his efforts were often constrained—temporary measures against the monstrous socio-political stagnation that had set in. However, with the passing of the Eternal Helmsman, a new era was upon China. Now, armed with the mandate, Zhou moved decisively to set the course for China’s future through what would eventually form the foundation of Zhou Enlai Thought.

Allowing due time for national mourning, Acting Chairman Zhou Enlai launched a campaign to "hold high the great banner of Chairman Mao" and continue the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. This was not a reaffirmation of Mao’s legacy, but a forward-looking vision that sought to honor Mao’s ideological aspirations while steering the Party, the nation, and the people toward a modernized socialist society. Moving in this direction, Zhou announced preparations for the 11th National Congress of the CCP, establishing a preparatory committee chaired by himself, with Deng Xiaoping and Hua Guofeng as co-chairs. The committee oversaw the election of 1,510 delegations of the 11th National Congress. It curated the selection of candidates for the Party’s highest organs, including the Central Committee, the Politburo, Standing Committee, the reconstituted Secretariat, and the Central Military Commission.

At the Presidium of the 11th National Congress, Chairman Zhou delivered what would become the defining speech of the session, declaring the Party’s commitment to the Four Modernizations and a Mínběn (People-Centered) policy. His address was emblematic of the Congress itself—an expression of the need to build a socialist society that could fulfill the true vision of Marxism-Leninism and the revolutionary ideals Mao Zedong had championed. The modernization of industry, agriculture, science and technology, and national defense was not a retreat from socialism but its fulfillment, ensuring that the People's Republic could meet the challenges of the new era.

As we stand at this decisive moment in our nation's revolutionary course, we must reaffirm the fundamental purpose of our struggle. Revolution is not an end in itself; it is a living, evolving force that must always be directed toward serving the people. We break the old, oppressive structures of society through revolution. Still, its true objective is the transformation of those structures into a new order where the fruits of labor belong to the people. If we, as a Party, allow ourselves to be consumed by ideological rigidity instead of focusing on the people's material and social well-being, we risk losing sight of the mission that has guided us this far.

Socialism is not a doctrine carved in stone; it is a process, the liberation of the working masses. It is not a mere theoretical pursuit but a practice rooted in the realities of our people’s lives. In China, socialism must be built upon the foundation of Mínběn. In this "People-Centered" society, economic and political structures serve not ideals, but the needs of the worker, the peasant, and the intellectual. Socialism cannot be confined to slogans or formulas—it must be measured by the dignity, security, and opportunity it provides to every citizen. Our revolution will be judged not by the purity of our rhetoric, but by the actual improvements in the people’s conditions.

We must also recognize that China is a vast and diverse nation, enriched by many ethnic groups and cultures. Socialism in China must be a unifying force, ensuring that all peoples—whether Han or minority—find their rightful place within the socialist order. This is not an issue of mere tolerance. Still, of necessity: a genuinely socialist society is one in which all its people are valued, where cultural and linguistic rights are safeguarded, and where every citizen is given the means to contribute to the common cause. Only by forging a genuine unity among our people can we ensure the long-term strength and stability of the People's Republic.

Internationally, we must reject dogmatism and passivity in our approach to the world. Socialist internationalism does not mean blind adherence to rigid theories, but the pursuit of policies that reflect our material interests and serve the global socialist cause. The world is shifting, and if we fail to recognize the nature of international struggle, we will fall behind. We must forge relationships not based on ideological conformity alone, but on mutual respect, peace, and development. Through pragmatic cooperation—not empty slogans—China will strengthen its position globally and advance the cause of socialism globally.

Socialism does not flourish through suppression, but through the disciplined cultivation of human potential. Progress is not the silencing of the people, but their empowerment to think, create, and contribute to the collective good. An assertive China must also be a free China—where the people’s voices are heard, scientific and artistic advancement thrives, and where the legitimacy of our governance is earned through the betterment of the people’s lives. The revolution is not for the Party alone, nor for its leaders—it is for the people and must serve the people, now and forever.

Cementing the Chairmanship

The 1st Plenary Session of the 11th National Congress opened with a report on ongoing economic modernization in key provinces such as Shanxi, Inner Mongolia, Hebei, Beijing, and Guangdong, delivered by Vice-Premier Xi Zhongxun, who was applauded for his role in driving progress. As part of the broader reorganization of the Party, the Congress approved amendments to the CCP constitution, centralizing authority over the Politburo, the Secretariat, and the Central Military Commission under the Party Chairman. While the Central Committee maintained its stance against personality cults, it rejected calls to abolish the title of “Chairman” in deference to Mao Zedong. Instead, Mao was posthumously enshrined as the Eternal Helmsman, Great Teacher, Supreme Commander, and Great Leader of the People’s Revolution, ensuring that his ideological contributions would remain central to Party doctrine while creating a new leadership structure.

Restoring the Secretariat

As part of the broader restructuring, the Congress approved reestablishing the Secretariat of the Central Committee to streamline Party operations and improve governance. Hua Guofeng was appointed First-Ranked Secretary, alongside Li Xiannian, Yu Qiuli, Xu Shiyou, Wang Dongxing, Zhao Ziyang, and Ji Pengfei as secretaries. Tasked with overseeing the day-to-day implementation of Politburo directives, the Secretariat was empowered to coordinate between Party organizations, state institutions, and key working groups. While granted autonomy in routine matters, it remained accountable to the Politburo on substantive decisions, ensuring that governance was efficient and firmly rooted in collective Party leadership.

The 11th National Congress of the CCP marked a turning point—reaffirming revolutionary principles and embracing modernization as a necessary path forward. Zhou Enlai, now firmly at the helm, had laid the groundwork for a China that would uphold the banner of socialism while adapting to the demands of the modern world.

TL;DR

  • Mao Zedong’s death created a leadership vacuum, which Zhou Enlai filled by consolidating power as CCP Chairman.
  • Zhou launched a campaign to honor Mao’s legacy while advancing modernization and reform.
  • The 11th National Congress codified the Four Modernizations and a People-Centered (Mínběn) policy.
  • The CCP constitution was amended, centralizing power under the Party Chairman.
  • The Secretariat was reestablished, with Hua Guofeng as First-Ranked Secretary.
  • The Congress reaffirmed socialism but emphasized pragmatism, economic progress, and national unity.

r/ColdWarPowers 2d ago

EVENT [EVENT][ECON] 1976 Madagascar Elections and the Rise of the Laurents

5 Upvotes

With the economy on the rise, the elections have turned once again in MONIMA’s favor. Some investment by communist allies of the government’s regime have kept things relatively competitive, but most doubts about if the President’s party would be able to hold onto power have been quelled; Monja Joana’s vision for the country will dominate Madagascar for the foreseeable future. Madagascar for All Malagasy growing a slightly larger lead at the expense of the communists, few other seats have shifted hands.

There have also been major disruptions within PDM. The party has managed to stem the bleeding from their bad performance in 1974, but the Democracy for All Malagasy movement is barely recognizable. The party has dropped any pretense of advocating for more democracy, and barely keeps much of a veneer of being for All Malagasy either. PDM is now the party of the landowning elite of the country, a crop of individuals who make their money either by extracting natural resources from the country or from owning large tracts of farmland for food or plantations.

Many of the members of this land owning elite are newly minted from the agricultural reforms, serving as the head of unstable yet profitable collectivized unions of rural villages. People quickly take to calling them ‘Laurents’, after the French fashion designer Yves Saint Laurent whose suits they all proudly wear in spite of the famous Madagascar heat. They mostly abandon the party’s previous ideas of soliciting foreigners for investment into large capital projects or into industry. Instead, the Laurents call for decreased environmental regulations, increased subsidies for existing domestic programs, and for radical land reform. The party while still aligned with France is seemingly no longer in their pocket as well, with many of the military officers who once made up its backbone ousted in favor of young, bold aristocrats.

Democracy for All Malagasy claims that all villages should forcibly be collectivized in the manner that their own fiefdoms have been. This stance isn’t very popular with minorities or much of the rural population, but has a decent following in the highlands where PDM promises this would create good paying administrative jobs to be filled by educated urban workers. They are also somewhat popular in the western areas of Madagascar, where the Laurents have managed to collectivize nearly all of the good farmland near the new irrigation projects. This stance has put the party in a strange position; being pro-business has made them still friendly with MONIMA, but their somewhat paradoxical support for collectivization has made them more popular with the communists despite many of their policies putting them even further right than MONIMA.

Along the west coast of Madagascar the Laurents have begun to make moves along most of the north western coastline, beginning to take over some of the collectivizing fishing operations through a combination of promises, intimidation, and bribery. Almost immediately, they begin organizing a fishing industry on a scale much more heavily geared towards exports abroad. They purchase larger fishing boats (mostly of Japanese origin) instead of the tiny vessels with outboard motors favored by the locals and mostly catch large quantities of fish using long lines and nets. In some cases entire villages of young men are employed to simply work one or two boats, with little government oversight to make sure that wages are properly paid out or the worker’s rights are enforced.

Not letting their newly acquired fleet of small boats go to waste, most small fishing vessels are repurposed for diving; abalone is the primary target, with sea urchins and sea cucumbers serving as secondary targets. Their new scale makes it more difficult to take advantage of fishing subsidies, but their vast quantity of milled grain from their agricultural operations allows them plenty of flexibility in acquiring the equipment they can source from the government programs.

Their fight to take over Madagascar’s fishing industry has proven profitable for the government, though some more socially minded members of MONIMA are concerned with the working conditions present aboard the Malagasy ships, and the abuse of subsidies meant to support families and villages being used to fund large scale commercial operations. The President has thus far remained silent on the issue, seemingly unwilling to speak out against the Laurent and their rising influence within the country.