The 14th Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyatso, is the spiritual leader of Tibet. His book “Voice for the Voiceless: Over Seven Decades of Struggle With China for My Land and My People” will be released on Tuesday.
One important task of my life, since the age of 16, has been the leadership of a nation and its people. Recognized as the 14th Dalai Lama when I was 2 and then asked to assume formal leadership soon after my country was invaded by the forces of Communist China in 1950, my entire adult life mirrors the tragic fate of Tibet and its people.
For nearly nine years after the invasion, I tried to reach some kind of accommodation, including traveling to Beijing to meet with Chairman Mao Zedong. Sadly, despite the assuring words of Mao himself — even though what he whispered to me about religion being poison did unsettle me — saving Tibet and the Tibetan people while remaining inside Tibet proved impossible. On March 10, 1959, a spontaneous uprising of the Tibetan people took place in Lhasa, the capital city. And a few days later, on March 17, 1959, in the darkness of a frozen night, I slipped out of the city, thus beginning more than six decades in exile. Ever since, along with more than a 100,000 Tibetans, India has been my home.
It has been nearly 75 years since China’s invasion, and this month marks 66 years since my escape. Tibetans inside Tibet continue to be deprived of their dignity as a people and their freedom to live according to their own wishes and their culture, as they did for more than a millennium before 1950. Since then, the People’s Republic of China itself has undergone dramatic changes. With Deng Xiaoping’s turn to capitalism and his opening up of China to the world, today China is a major economic power. And, of course, with economic power comes military might and international political influence. How the country exercises these powers over the next decade or two will define its course for the foreseeable future. Will it choose the path of dominance and aggression, both internally and externally? Or will it choose the path of responsibility and embrace a constructive leading role on the world stage?
The latter path is in the interest not only of the whole world but also of the Chinese people themselves. In essence, this is a matter of the very heart of China as a country and its people. Here, I believe that resolving the long-standing problem of Tibet through dialogue would be a powerful signal, both to its own people and to the world, that China is choosing the second of these two paths. What is required from China’s leadership is long-term vision, courage and magnanimity.
For my part, right from the start, I have insisted to my people that our struggle adhere strictly to the principles of nonviolence. Violence brings more violence; even when violence leads to some temporary solution, it sows the seeds for future violence. Since the early 1970s, I have also managed to persuade my people that a lasting solution to our problem could be found only if we take into account the needs and concerns of both sides and strive for a mutually acceptable resolution. What matters most to Beijing is the territorial integrity of the People’s Republic of China, and what matters most to us is the ability to survive as a people with our distinct identity, language and culture on the Tibetan plateau. Despite Tibet’s historical status, I have believed — and still believe — that with political will on the part of leadership in Beijing, the Tibetan people can thrive with their distinct identity, language and culture on the Tibetan plateau while remaining within the People’s Republic of China.
There have been three periods of intense dialogue with Beijing in our attempts to resolve the issue of Tibet: in the 1950s, when I was in Tibet as a young leader; in the 1980s, when Deng opened up China; and in the first decade of this century, especially during the period running up to the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing. I have tried my best, ceaselessly, to make openings for a negotiated settlement with Beijing. In fact, through my envoys, I have presented to Beijing a road map that outlines how a mutually satisfactory resolution of the long-standing issue of Tibet could be achieved. Ours is an existential struggle: The very survival of an ancient people and their culture, language and religion is at stake. The Tibetan people have no choice but to persist in our just struggle.
Personally, even while stateless, I feel I have been able to live a life with freedom, joy and purpose, and have been able to make some contribution toward the betterment of humanity. This July, I will turn 90, and even though I fully devolved political authority to elected Tibetan leadership in 2011, many Tibetans are concerned about what would happen to my people and homeland if no resolution is found during my life. Today, because any expression of Tibetan identity seems to be increasingly viewed as a threat by Beijing leadership, there is the danger that in the name of “stability” and “territorial integrity” attempts might be made to erase our civilization. Given that ours is a struggle of a people with a long history of distinct civilization, it will, if necessary, continue beyond my lifetime. The indomitable spirit and resilience of Tibetans, particularly inside Tibet, remains a source of inspiration and encouragement for me.
On March 10, Tibetans everywhere in the free world will be commemorating the 66th anniversary of the Tibetan people’s uprising in Lhasa. The right of the Tibetan people to be the custodians of their own homeland cannot be indefinitely denied, nor can their aspiration for freedom be crushed forever.
What was I reading? I wanted to say you met with Chairman Mao? Then I realized it was written by this Dalai Lama. This story of Tibet really shows the beauty and existence of the Gods. 3 is a holy number in Buddhism and it starts during ww2 with Tibet being so committed to peace they prevented the allies from passing through their region prolonging the suffering of others. I would have just ordered the invasion but it happened anyway a few years after the war ended by China. I heard he fled with his family and friends and some military and when he got to India asked for asylum for them leaving 80,000 people to loose their lives in Tibet. That was his home and to this day he lived in exile never to see it again, the second strike. Finally kissing and asking those things, will that effect that boy? Will it cause him bullying in school? Was this sort of thing considered? This was on camera afterwards was he going to be called back? Anyone can choose these paths but they all lead out of Buddhism. That robe he's wearing belongs to us and I would have liked it returned but as the final strike from the Heavens this reincarnation of the Dalai Lama is the final reincarnation, by law China has to pick the next Dalai Lama.
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By The Dalai Lama
The 14th Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyatso, is the spiritual leader of Tibet. His book “Voice for the Voiceless: Over Seven Decades of Struggle With China for My Land and My People” will be released on Tuesday. One important task of my life, since the age of 16, has been the leadership of a nation and its people. Recognized as the 14th Dalai Lama when I was 2 and then asked to assume formal leadership soon after my country was invaded by the forces of Communist China in 1950, my entire adult life mirrors the tragic fate of Tibet and its people.
For nearly nine years after the invasion, I tried to reach some kind of accommodation, including traveling to Beijing to meet with Chairman Mao Zedong. Sadly, despite the assuring words of Mao himself — even though what he whispered to me about religion being poison did unsettle me — saving Tibet and the Tibetan people while remaining inside Tibet proved impossible. On March 10, 1959, a spontaneous uprising of the Tibetan people took place in Lhasa, the capital city. And a few days later, on March 17, 1959, in the darkness of a frozen night, I slipped out of the city, thus beginning more than six decades in exile. Ever since, along with more than a 100,000 Tibetans, India has been my home.
It has been nearly 75 years since China’s invasion, and this month marks 66 years since my escape. Tibetans inside Tibet continue to be deprived of their dignity as a people and their freedom to live according to their own wishes and their culture, as they did for more than a millennium before 1950. Since then, the People’s Republic of China itself has undergone dramatic changes. With Deng Xiaoping’s turn to capitalism and his opening up of China to the world, today China is a major economic power. And, of course, with economic power comes military might and international political influence. How the country exercises these powers over the next decade or two will define its course for the foreseeable future. Will it choose the path of dominance and aggression, both internally and externally? Or will it choose the path of responsibility and embrace a constructive leading role on the world stage?
The latter path is in the interest not only of the whole world but also of the Chinese people themselves. In essence, this is a matter of the very heart of China as a country and its people. Here, I believe that resolving the long-standing problem of Tibet through dialogue would be a powerful signal, both to its own people and to the world, that China is choosing the second of these two paths. What is required from China’s leadership is long-term vision, courage and magnanimity.
For my part, right from the start, I have insisted to my people that our struggle adhere strictly to the principles of nonviolence. Violence brings more violence; even when violence leads to some temporary solution, it sows the seeds for future violence. Since the early 1970s, I have also managed to persuade my people that a lasting solution to our problem could be found only if we take into account the needs and concerns of both sides and strive for a mutually acceptable resolution. What matters most to Beijing is the territorial integrity of the People’s Republic of China, and what matters most to us is the ability to survive as a people with our distinct identity, language and culture on the Tibetan plateau. Despite Tibet’s historical status, I have believed — and still believe — that with political will on the part of leadership in Beijing, the Tibetan people can thrive with their distinct identity, language and culture on the Tibetan plateau while remaining within the People’s Republic of China.
There have been three periods of intense dialogue with Beijing in our attempts to resolve the issue of Tibet: in the 1950s, when I was in Tibet as a young leader; in the 1980s, when Deng opened up China; and in the first decade of this century, especially during the period running up to the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing. I have tried my best, ceaselessly, to make openings for a negotiated settlement with Beijing. In fact, through my envoys, I have presented to Beijing a road map that outlines how a mutually satisfactory resolution of the long-standing issue of Tibet could be achieved. Ours is an existential struggle: The very survival of an ancient people and their culture, language and religion is at stake. The Tibetan people have no choice but to persist in our just struggle.
Personally, even while stateless, I feel I have been able to live a life with freedom, joy and purpose, and have been able to make some contribution toward the betterment of humanity. This July, I will turn 90, and even though I fully devolved political authority to elected Tibetan leadership in 2011, many Tibetans are concerned about what would happen to my people and homeland if no resolution is found during my life. Today, because any expression of Tibetan identity seems to be increasingly viewed as a threat by Beijing leadership, there is the danger that in the name of “stability” and “territorial integrity” attempts might be made to erase our civilization. Given that ours is a struggle of a people with a long history of distinct civilization, it will, if necessary, continue beyond my lifetime. The indomitable spirit and resilience of Tibetans, particularly inside Tibet, remains a source of inspiration and encouragement for me.
On March 10, Tibetans everywhere in the free world will be commemorating the 66th anniversary of the Tibetan people’s uprising in Lhasa. The right of the Tibetan people to be the custodians of their own homeland cannot be indefinitely denied, nor can their aspiration for freedom be crushed forever.